ALERT Turkey President Erdogan - Claims All US Nukes On Incirlik Base Belongs To Turkey

Walrus

Veteran Member
And when you combine an unstable Bai-Den with another unstable ass in Erdogan, you gets meat loaf and sausage which tastes like crap.

Since this Syrian thing started (and Erdogan cut the power to Incirlik), I've believed we needed to remove those nukes and get those people out of there. Fact is, for some reason, I thought we had but maybe not. These things aren't done with a lot of fanfare.

As far as acknowledging the Armenian massacres (and they were horrible if one ever studies them even a bit), Turkey never has, for some odd reason of its own. So I kind of have no problem with calling a spade a freakin' shovel, but the question about timing is on point. It's not like Joe and da ho have some deep Machiavellian strategy in mind, I'm pretty certain of that.
 

Walrus

Veteran Member
SOMEONE wants a war before summer.
Crimea fizzled.
They kicked another couple Former Sov countries into a "Lets you ad him fight." which hasn't blown up (yet).
So lets push the Turks and see just how irrational they can be.
That seems like a good point, although the Baltic republics look awfully vulnerable right now; that wouldn't be much of a fight and would serve to increase pressure on Ukraine, just as the annexation of Crimea and the breakaway Georgian provinces have.

About the Turks: My dad was in the 1st Marine Division in Korea through some terrible fights, including the frozen Chosen early on when Mao suckered MacArthur in. It's sometimes forgotten that was a United Nations thing and lots of other countries sent in troops. He always said that the Turks were the meanest fighting bastards he ever saw - some of them would keep tally of kills by keeping strings of Chinese and North Korean ears as trophies. Apparently that was a big status thing when arriving back home.
 

Dobbin

Faithful Steed
Now THIS is gonna be telling. Is it gonna be Roll-over Joe, or Say-no Joe?
Printing press Joe.

61F%2BDKfT%2BRL._AC_SL1500_.jpg


Available at Amazon...

Dobbin
 

Walrus

Veteran Member
Apologies to everyone, I made the critical mistake of posting before reading the thread, and all the points I thought of had already been given. Oh well, so much for not checking in until the first cup of coffee was settled in! :jstr:
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
That seems like a good point, although the Baltic republics look awfully vulnerable right now; that wouldn't be much of a fight and would serve to increase pressure on Ukraine, just as the annexation of Crimea and the breakaway Georgian provinces have.

About the Turks: My dad was in the 1st Marine Division in Korea through some terrible fights, including the frozen Chosen early on when Mao suckered MacArthur in. It's sometimes forgotten that was a United Nations thing and lots of other countries sent in troops. He always said that the Turks were the meanest fighting bastards he ever saw - some of them would keep tally of kills by keeping strings of Chinese and North Korean ears as trophies. Apparently that was a big status thing when arriving back home.
Yeah, my dad, 25th ID (Ordnance) and an old co-worker who was a Wolfhound both had similar stories about the "police action".
 

CaryC

Has No Life - Lives on TB
Oh, dear--I should have worded the question more carefully. My bad.

I absolutely support acknowledging history, and did a bit of reading last night. Apparently, Turkey has an unbroken record of denying what they did to the Armenians.

The parts I don't understand are the timing and the motivation. What moved Biden to bring this up? And why now?

Did I do better this time? (ETA: I'm encouraged--I just saw that Red Baron beat me to these questions.)
First off: It's SLOW JOE. He thought it was 1949, and mumbled, thinking it had just happened, because like wednesday, it came out of the clear blue. Like evolution there was nothing and bang there he said it.

Second: there are clear pictures of the slaughter of Armenians, which had to be photo shopped before there was a photo shop. (Turkey's perspective) Like the pictures of Germans killing Jews, they can deny it, but then....there are pictures.

Third: Remember it was only a couple of months ago that Armenia was in a ....war/conflict with Azerbaijan. Maybe slow Joe just remembered.

1619791486178.png
1619791527113.png

Just to show two.
 

NoDandy

Has No Life - Lives on TB
Turkey may as well forget it. China Joe has probably already given them to Iran, with the codes.

:mad: :mad::mad:
 

Walrus

Veteran Member
First off: It's SLOW JOE. He thought it was 1949, and mumbled, thinking it had just happened, because like wednesday, it came out of the clear blue. Like evolution there was nothing and bang there he said it.

Second: there are clear pictures of the slaughter of Armenians, which had to be photo shopped before there was a photo shop. (Turkey's perspective) Like the pictures of Germans killing Jews, they can deny it, but then....there are pictures.

Third: Remember it was only a couple of months ago that Armenia was in a ....war/conflict with Azerbaijan. Maybe slow Joe just remembered.

View attachment 264270
View attachment 264271

Just to show two.
The pictures I've seen where they crucified all those Armenian women along some highway have always stuck in my mind.
 

Walrus

Veteran Member
As a follow-up (warning - gruesome pictures ahead) long article but not all of it is posted:

The Armenian Genocide (Warning: gruesome pictures)

The Armenian Genocide (Warning: gruesome pictures)
Posted on June 7, 2013 by mediachecker

armenian-genocide1.jpg

Photo Source: Flickr Creative Commons by young shanahan young shanahan/
Apr. 25, 2013 9:28am Mike Opelka
What do you call the 1915 “mass deportation” of Armenians from the Ottoman Empire (Turkey) that resulted in the death of 1.5 million people?
Most historians and Armenians around the world call it genocide. The Turkish government and the United States are not among those who will officially accept the word “genocide” when speaking of the decimation of the Armenian people in the early part of the 20th Century. (And that list also includes U.S. Presidents.)
The Armenian Genocide   Why Wont American Presidents Mention

The lack of respect given to the Armenian genocide is shocking when you consider the scope and brutality of the event that killed 75 percent of the Armenians — a predominantly Christian group.
The History:
Armenia was a trendsetter when it came to Christianity. The country adopted that faith in 301 A.D. This was even before the formation of the Holy Roman Empire. For centuries the Armenian people built a healthy and prosperous country. However, in the 15th century, the Ottoman Empire absorbed Armenia and the Armenians. The non-Muslim Armenians were classified as “infidels” and had to pay higher taxes and saddled with fewer rights than Muslims.
The Ottoman Empire stayed dominant in the region through the 19th century and into the early part of the 20th century. But in the late 1890s, Armenians were growing tired of their status as second class citizens and continued their push for more rights. In 1894, that push was met with a violent response from the Sultan who turned loose his private army on the Armenians. In the ensuing battles between 1894-96, it was reported that as many as 200,000 Armenians were killed by Sultan Abdul Hamid’s troops in what has been called the Hamidian Massacre. However, the killing of the 200,000 Armenian Christians was nothing compared to the 1915 genocide.
What led to the near extermination of the Armenians? It appears a combination of a few factors were working together to create a rabid form of Turkish nationalism that saw the Armenians as the enemies of the state. After all, the non-Muslims were officially considered “infidels” in the eyes of the Turks.
In 1908, a group of young Turks forced the Sultan out and took control of the government. At first they talked of bringing new freedoms to the Armenian people. Unfortunately, those freedoms never were granted by the ruling “Young Turks.” Instead the Armenians were seen as a threat to the shrinking Ottoman Empire.
Armenian Genocide Picture
Published by permission from Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen.
Armin T. Wegner. © Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen. All rights reserved.

1912-13 had the Turks losing huge chunks of their land to Christian regions that were breaking away. Greece, Bulgaria, and Serbia were all successful in their efforts to leave the Ottoman Empire. This was a devastating loss of power to the Turks and was the spark for even greater nationalism to foment.
Muslim refugees from the now-Christian breakaway countries poured into Istanbul with tales of Christian violence against their families. Some of the more extreme members of the Young Turks formed the Committee of Union & Progress (CUP). The CUP was focused on pushing Turkish nationalism, their chant was “Turkey for the Turks.”

The growing Turkish nationalism was also fuel for more hatred against the Armenian community, especially after Germany and Russia began warring in 1914. Turkey sided with Germany in this conflict. The Turks hoped a defeat of the Russians would help in the prospect of rebuilding their empire. In December of 1914, the Ottoman Turks tried to invade Russia, but suffered a horrible defeat. More than 100,000 Russian troops stormed across the border into Turkey and reports say that more than 5,000 Armenians helped the Russians, some even enlisting in the Russian Army.
This was likely a move that enraged the Turkish leaders who saw the Armenians as a liability. The Armenian members of the military were immediately disarmed and moved into labor camps and subsequently executed.
Not long after that, on April 24th, a group of 250 Armenian intellectual leaders of the community were rounded up and shipped off to a camp where they were killed.
Turkey had killed off the Armenian soldiers and the cultural elites. All that remained was to order the rest of the population to comply with a relocation order that was essentially a death sentence. Most of the Armenians were forced to march for sixty days and many did not survive the trip.
The Armenian Genocide   Why Wont American Presidents Mention

Like the Nazis, many Armenians were also transported via rail. And, also like the Nazis, the Turks forced their victims to purchase tickets for the ride to their own extermination.
The Armenian Genocide   Why Wont American Presidents Mention

The accounts of the atrocities committed against the Armenians is as brutal and disgusting as any you have heard about from Hitler’s attempts to exterminate the Jews from Germany and the world. Small children and old people were marched over mountains and in circles, without food and water, literally until they died. Young Christian girls were defiled by the Turkish soldiers. There are reports that many killed themselves after being raped. The barbaric treatment of the Armenian women went even further.
On page 96 we see the following image on the Armenians being crucified by Turcs.

Figure 6: Crucified Armenian women in the area of the Der-es-Zor.
The Armenian Genocide   Why Wont American Presidents Mention

In his post on the genocide, (The Forgotten Genocide: Why It Matters Today) Raymond Ibrahim recounted the story of a woman who claimed to have witnessed the brutal crucifixion of 16 young girls.
In her memoir, Ravished Armenia, Aurora Mardiganian described being raped and thrown into a harem (which agrees with Islam’s rules of war). Unlike thousands of other Armenian girls who were discarded after being defiled, she managed to escape. In the city of Malatia, she saw 16 Christian girls crucified: “Each girl had been nailed alive upon her cross, spikes through her feet and hands, only their hair blown by the wind, covered their bodies.” Such scenes were portrayed in the 1919 documentary film Auction of Souls, some of which is based on Mardiganian’s memoirs.
.
Why Won’t America Call It Genocide?
It’s a good bet that Turkey and its leaders do not want to use the term genocide because it would likely cost them considerable sums of money in reparations, as well as the public embarrassment they would have to endure. But what about America?

No American president has officially called the mass killings that started in 1915 “genocide.” President Bush went as far as publicly urging Congress to reject a resolution on the subject.
In 2008, presidential candidate Barack Obama promised that, as president, he would acknowledge it, saying; “Armenian genocide is a widely documented fact.”
Despite that very clear language, President Obama was not been so quick to follow up on his campaign promise. After he was elected, on Armenian Remembrance Day, the president issued a statement. The word that was conspicuously absent from the release — genocide. That term was also absent from every single April 24th Armenian Remembrance Day since 2009.
Instead of using the word “genocide” the White House statements all use the term “Meds Yeghern.” What does that mean? Meds Yeghern is an Armenian phrase that has the same meaning as genocide in their language. But Armenians want the world to recognize the atrocity they suffered at the hands of the Turks.
And while our presidents won’t say the word or put it in statements, the Turks are actually forbidden from using it. The word “genocide” is off limits — as in illegal. You can be locked up for saying the word or using it in a story. (The Blaze staff would likely be placed under arrest and receive death threats for this article alone.)

Figure 4: Armenians tortured and violated. Taken on the road from Trapesunt (Trabzon) to Ersnga by a German officer.
So, why won’t a U.S. President call the very well-documented forced removal of 1.5 million people from their homes — many who were forced to march more than 50 miles into the desert where almost certain death awaited them — genocide?
CBS’s “60 Minutes” filed a story that speculated our lack of ability to call this genocide and what it really is: That it might have something to do with America’s military relationship with Turkey and that the country is vital to delivering supplies to our troops on the ground in both Iraq and Afghanistan.
The “60 Minutes” segment also includes a chilling video shot on the banks of the Euphrates River where it is believed 450,000 of the victims perished. In fact, the remains of the Armenians are so prevalent in the area that all you need to do is scratch the sand along the river banks and you will find pieces of human bones that have been there for 98 years.

ETA: I think the above article explains why Bai-Den is bringing this up, when one considers that it was Obama who promised to do something but didn't. It jives with the theory that this administration is Obama's 3rd term happening before our eyes.
 

155 arty

Veteran Member
Arty, as I understand it, once those guys STAND UP, they can't be stood DOWN without at least 2 people from a VERY SHORT LIST walking in and giving them the order TO stand down.

A VERY select list...POTUS, CJCS, Sec Sta, SecDef, and I fergit the other 2 on the list. But the order needs to be given Face to Face with verifications.

As I understand it. It ain't like POTUS calls em up and says, "Hey guys, you are WAY over reacting on this. I think you need to stand down."
Again, as I understand it that kind of call would be laughed off the line. Youse guys in that bunker are INCREDIBLY hard core.
We were doing a nuke op in nc way back in the 80's ..I was in the bunker with 2 other techs when I heard a commotion outside ,the ranking tech asked me to go check to see what was going on .
When I went outside a Lance corporal was stand over a very young lieutenant was laying on the ground with several rifles pointed mostly at his head and apparently was not too happy that he had been butt stroked with a rifle to the ground.
Apparently he had wondered into our area by mistake and ,dues to his immense power in his new found rank ,had ignored several warnings to stop from said lance corporal found out not to mess with L/cpls should not be tested,
After that the young lt was sent on his way sans a good sized chunk of his ass missing from our capt....lmao ...funny shit
 

Laurane

Canadian Loonie

A statement issued by the Turkish Ministry of Defense regarding the ownership of the Incirlik base and all the weapons systems at its disposal!
The announcement came as a blow because US Pentagon officials themselves did not expect any Turkish moves or statements involving the Incirlik base.


And yet the announcement of the Turkish Ministry of Defense does not simply involve the Incirlik base but refers to the Turkey-US Defense Treaty that was first revealed by WarNews247 a few days ago.
The Turkish media clearly state that this is Ankara’s response to the recognition of the Armenian Genocide.

However, the fact that Erdogan dared to raise the issue of Incirlik along with the weapons systems inside the base has caused alarm in the Alliance.
It is known that the US has withdrawn 2/3 of the nuclear bombs from the base for reasons of “modernization”

According to the 1980 Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty on the use of the facilities, Turkey and the US share them(equipment, weapons). (anyone know about this Treaty and is it still in force?)
 

John Deere Girl

Veteran Member
SOMEONE wants a war before summer.
Crimea fizzled.
They kicked another couple Former Sov countries into a "Lets you ad him fight." which hasn't blown up (yet).
So lets push the Turks and see just how irrational they can be.
It sure does seem that someone does want a war, and I don't think the mess in Russia/Ukraine is over yet.
 

Walrus

Veteran Member
Oft not mentioned -
Turks = Muslims
Armenians = Christians
Very true - pretty much the foundation of that fracas back in the early 20th century. And not only Muslims, Ottomans at that. Which is what Erdogan seems to be all about - doing his bit to rebuild the Empire.
 

ShadowMan

Designated Grumpy Old Fart
You know....those nukes are getting kinda old and probably not really all that safe and reliable after all this time. It would be a TERRIBLE thing if there was to be an accident minutes after all the American's pulled their people out. Ooooops!!

iu


Well, you know those bases were getting kind of old also, and probably needed some serious remodeling.....

:prfl:
 

Ku Commando

Inactive
Let them Turk muzzies have the whole kit & kaboodle.....

.....then DEW the president's palace

.....& kinetic space weapon all the Turkish bases.


HE WHO LAUGHS LAST LAUGHS BEST

5575604405_553cc7fcc1_b.jpg
 

mistaken1

Has No Life - Lives on TB
snip
So I kind of have no problem with calling a spade a freakin' shovel, but the question about timing is on point. It's not like Joe and da ho have some deep Machiavellian strategy in mind, I'm pretty certain of that.

They don't but their Chinese masters do.
 

Wildweasel

F-4 Phantoms Phorever
As a former nuke handler I can tell you what happens now !!!!........but with this administration who the hell knows what, the ones assigned to guard those nuke will absolutely have other ideas about how to do that... this is really bad

THIS

There are procedures for what to do if being overrun is imminent and the weapons troops assigned the task are good and dedicated to the task. If the Turks want to use those bombs they'll have to wear hazmat suits and start by sweeping up the bits and pieces that will be left after the demo teams get done.
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
THIS

There are procedures for what to do if being overrun is imminent and the weapons troops assigned the task are good and dedicated to the task. If the Turks want to use those bombs they'll have to wear hazmat suits and start by sweeping up the bits and pieces that will be left after the demo teams get done.

Something I'm sure the Turks would be more than willing to do, never mind finding "true believers" to do the work.

ETA: WP would have to be part of the "scuttling" to make it as difficult as possible.
 
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155 arty

Veteran Member
THIS

There are procedures for what to do if being overrun is imminent and the weapons troops assigned the task are good and dedicated to the task. If the Turks want to use those bombs they'll have to wear hazmat suits and start by sweeping up the bits and pieces that will be left after the demo teams get done.
That's why we also went to demolition school!
 

AlfaMan

Has No Life - Lives on TB
THIS

There are procedures for what to do if being overrun is imminent and the weapons troops assigned the task are good and dedicated to the task. If the Turks want to use those bombs they'll have to wear hazmat suits and start by sweeping up the bits and pieces that will be left after the demo teams get done.

A question for you. Are the storage igloos made well enough to contain the explosions when the demolition teams go in to pop the nukes? And are the igloos hardened enough to keep the radiation contained within the igloos?
 

KFhunter

Veteran Member
The Turks have played this game many times. Since the 1960's a large segment of the DOD didn't and still doesn't trust them and the call to remove all Nukes there has been raised often.

Erdogan is crazy and can not be trusted. A man i worked with in the 80's was retired air force and was part of the team that was to defend the warehouse that contained our nukes on one of the Turkish bases. He said that more than once his team was locked into the warehouse and told to blow the place up (including themselves) if it was about to be overran by the Turks.

Should have pulled our nukes from there long ago.


Would today's military blow themselves up?

I don't think so...
 

night driver

ESFP adrift in INTJ sea
Robert Heinlein's "The Long Watch" - Full Text (metallicman.com)

Take a look around the website (Doz are these guys some you ever ran into?)


Heinlein's "The Long Watch" full text

2001-A-Space-Odyssey-4-825x510.jpg

Robert Heinlein’s “The Long Watch” – Full Text
image_pdf image_print
There are often things that inspire us. This is most especially true when you are young and looking for direction. In my case, I was greatly influenced by the books that I read. My favorites were short-length science fiction “pulps”. These were often paperback books that I could shove in the rear pocket of my bluejeans. I would read them, and often reread them. The authors of these stories varied, but my favorites included Ray Bradbury and Robert Heinlein.
Here is one such story.
This story illustrates that sometimes, it take one person to take a necessary action. Often that person doesn’t want the role. However, there is no one else who can do it. So that person, out of necessity, must become the hero. He must do the difficult and uncomfortable job because he is the only one who is available.
This story holds special meaning to me.

Introduction
This story was written appeared in the December 1949 American Legion Magazine by Robert Heinlein, and presented here under Article 22 of China’s Copyright Law.
“The Long Watch” is a science fiction short story by American writer Robert A. Heinlein. It is about a military officer who faces a coup d’état by a would-be dictator.

John McClane: Do you know what you get for being a hero? Nothin'. You get shot at. Pat on the back, blah blah blah. 'Attaboy.' You get divorced... Your wife can't remember your last name, kids don't want to talk to you... You get to eat a lot of meals by yourself. Trust me kid, nobody wants to be that guy. (I do this) because there is nobody else to do it right now. Believe me if there was somebody else to do it, I would let them do it. There's not, so (I'm) doing it. That's what makes you that guy."
Enjoy.
The Long Watch
Nine ships blasted off from Moon Base. Once in space, eight of them formed a globe around the smallest. They held this formation all the way to Earth.

"The small ship displayed the insignia of an admiral-yet there was no living thing of any sort in her. She was not even a passenger ship, but a drone, a robot ship intended for radioactive cargo. This trip she carried nothing but a lead coffin and a Geiger counter that was never quiet."

—from the editorial After
Ten Years, film 38,
17 June 2009, Archives of the
N. Y. Times


I
JOHNNY DAHLQUIST blew smoke at the Geiger counter. He grinned wryly and tried it again. His whole body was radioactive by now. Even his breath, the smoke from his cigarette, could make the Geiger counter scream.
How long had he been here? Time doesn’t mean much on the Moon. Two days? Three? A week? He let his mind run back: the last clearly marked time in his mind was when the Executive Officer had sent for him, right after breakfast—
“Lieutenant Dahlquist, reporting to the Executive Officer.”
Colonel Towers looked up. “Ah, John Ezra. Sit down, Johnny. Cigarette?”
Johnny sat down, mystified but flattered. He admired Colonel Towers, for his brilliance, his ability to dominate, and for his battle record. Johnny had no battle record; he had been commissioned on completing his doctor’s degree in nuclear physics and was now junior bomb officer of Moon Base.
The Colonel wanted to talk politics; Johnny was puzzled.
Finally Towers had come to the point; it was not safe (so he said) to leave control of the world in political hands; power must be held by a scientifically selected group. In short—the Patrol.
Johnny was startled rather than shocked. As an abstract idea, Towers’ notion sounded plausible. The League of Nations had folded up; what would keep the United Nations from breaking up, too, and thus lead to another World War. “And you know how bad such a war would be, Johnny.”
Johnny agreed. Towers said he was glad that Johnny got the point. The senior bomb officer could handle the work, but it was better to have both specialists.
Johnny sat up with a jerk. “You are going to do something about it?” He had thought the Exec was just talking.
Towers smiled. “We’re not politicians; we don’t just talk. We act.”
Johnny whistled. “When does this start?”
Towers flipped a switch. Johnny was startled to hear his own voice, then identified the recorded conversation as having taken place in the junior officers’ messroom. A political argument he remembered, which he had walked out on . . . a good thing, too! But being spied on annoyed him.
Towers switched it off. “We have acted,” he said. “We know who is safe and who isn’t. Take Kelly—” He waved at the loud-speaker. “Kelly is politically unreliable. You noticed he wasn’t at breakfast?”
“Huh? I thought he was on watch.”
“Kelly’s watch-standing days are over. Oh, relax; he isn’t hurt.”
Johnny thought this over. “Which list am I on?” he asked. “Safe or unsafe?”
“Your name has a question mark after it. But I have said all along that you could be depended on.” He grinned engagingly. “You won’t make a liar of me, Johnny?”
Dahlquist didn’t answer; Towers said sharply, “Come now—what do you think of it? Speak up.”
“Well, if you ask me, you’ve bitten off more than you can chew. While it’s true that Moon Base controls the Earth, Moon Base itself is a sitting duck for a ship. One bomb—blooie!”
Towers picked up a message form and handed it over; it read: I HAVE YOUR CLEAN LAUNDRY—ZACK. “That means every bomb in the Trygve Lie has been put out of commission. I have reports from every ship we need worry about.” He stood up. “Think it over and see me after lunch. Major Morgan needs your help right away to change control frequencies on the bombs.”
“The control frequencies?”
“Naturally. We don’t want the bombs jammed before they reach their targets.”
“What? You said the idea was to prevent war.”
Towers brushed it aside. “There won’t be a war—just a psy-chological demonstration, an unimportant town or two. A little bloodletting to save an all-out war. Simple arithmetic.”
He put a hand on Johnny’s shoulder. “You aren’t squeamish, or you wouldn’t be a bomb officer. Think of it as a surgical operation. And think of your family.”
Johnny Dahlquist had been thinking of his family. “Please, sir, I want to see the Commanding Officer.”
Towers frowned. “The Commodore is not available. As you know, I speak for him. See me again—after lunch.”
The Commodore was decidedly not available; the Commodore was dead. But Johnny did not know that.
* * *
Dahlquist walked back to the messroom, bought cigarettes, sat down and had a smoke. He got up, crushed out the butt, and headed for the Base’s west airlock. There he got into his space suit and went to the lockmaster. “Open her up, Smitty.”
The marine looked surprised. “Can’t let anyone out on the surface without word from Colonel Towers, sir. Hadn’t you heard?”
“Oh, yes! Give me your order book.” Dahlquist took it, wrote a pass for himself, and signed it “by direction of Colonel Towers.” He added, “Better call the Executive Officer and check it.”
The lockmaster read it and stuck the book in his pocket. “Oh, no, Lieutenant. Your word’s good.”
“Hate to disturb the Executive Officer, eh? Don’t blame you.” He stepped in, closed the inner door, and waited for the air to be sucked out.
Out on the Moon’s surface he blinked at the light and hurried to the track-rocket terminus; a car was waiting. He squeezed in, pulled down the hood, and punched the starting button. The rocket car flung itself at the hills, dived through and came out on a plain studded with projectile rockets, like candles on a cake. Quickly it dived into a second tunnel through more hills. There was a stomach-wrenching deceleration and the car stopped at the underground atom-bomb armory.
As Dahlquist climbed out he switched on his walkie-talkie. The space-suited guard at the entrance came to port-arms. Dahlquist said, “Morning, Lopez,” and walked by him to the airlock. He pulled it open.
The guard motioned him back. “Hey! Nobody goes in without the Executive Officer’s say-so.” He shifted his gun, fumbled in his pouch and got out a paper. “Read it, Lieutenant.”
Dahlquist waved it away. “I drafted that order myself. You read it; you’ve misinterpreted it.”
“I don’t see how, Lieutenant.”
Dahlquist snatched the paper, glanced at it, then pointed to a line. “See? ‘—except persons specifically designated by the Executive Officer.’ That’s the bomb officers, Major Morgan and me.”
The guard looked worried. Dahlquist said, “Damn it, look up ‘specifically designated’—it’s under ‘Bomb Room, Security, Procedure for,’ in your standing orders. Don’t tell me you left them in the barracks!”
“Oh, no, sir! I’ve got ’em.” The guard reached into his pouch. Dahlquist gave him. back the sheet; the guard took it, hesitated, then leaned his weapon against his hip, shifted the paper to his left hand, and dug into his pouch with his right.
Dahlquist grabbed the gun, shoved it between the guard’s legs, and jerked. He threw the weapon away and ducked into the airlock. As he slammed the door he saw the guard struggling to his feet and reaching for his side arm. He dogged the outer door shut and felt a tingle in his fingers as a slug struck the door.
He flung himself at the inner door, jerked the spill lever, rushed back to the outer door and hung his weight on the handle. At once he could feel it stir. The guard was lifting up; the lieutenant was pulling down, with only his low Moon weight to anchor him. Slowly the handle raised before his eyes.
Air from the bomb room rushed into the lock through the spill valve. Dahlquist felt his space suit settle on his body as the pressure in the lock began to equal the pressure in the suit. He quit straining and let the guard raise the handle. It did not matter; thirteen tons of air pressure now held the door closed.
He latched open the inner door to the bomb room, so that it could not swing shut. As long as it was open, the airlock could not operate; no one could enter.
 

night driver

ESFP adrift in INTJ sea
Part 2
Before him in the room, one for each projectile rocket, were the atom bombs, spaced in rows far enough apart to defeat any faint possibility of spontaneous chain reaction. They were the deadliest things in the known universe, but they were his babies. He had placed himself between them and anyone who would misuse them.
But, now that he was here, he had no plan to use his temporary advantage.
The speaker on the wall sputtered into life. “Hey! Lieutenant! What goes on here? You gone crazy?” Dahlquist did not answer. Let Lopez stay confused—it would take him that much longer to make up his mind what to do. And Johnny Dahlquist needed as many minutes as he could squeeze. Lopez went on protesting. Finally he shut up.
Johnny had followed a blind urge not to let the bombs—his bombs!—be used for “demonstrations on unimportant towns.” But what to do next? Well, Towers couldn’t get through the lock. Johnny would sit tight until hell froze over.
Don’t kid yourself, John Ezra! Towers could get in. Some high explosive against the outer door—then the air would whoosh out, our boy Johnny would drown in blood from his burst lungs—and the bombs would be sitting there, unhurt. They were built to stand the jump from Moon to Earth; vacuum would not hurt them at all.
He decided to stay in his space suit; explosive decompression didn’t appeal to him. Come to think about it, death from old age was his choice.
Or they could drill a hole, let out the air, and open the door without wrecking the lock. Or Towers might even have a new airlock built outside the old. Not likely, Johnny thought; a coup d’etat depended on speed. Towers was almost sure to take the quickest way—blasting. And Lopez was probably calling the Base right now. Fifteen minutes for Towers to suit up and get here, maybe a short dicker—then whoosh! the party is over.
Fifteen minutes?
In fifteen minutes the bombs might fall back into the hands of the conspirators; in fifteen minutes he must make the bombs unusable.
An atom bomb is just two or more pieces of fissionable metal, such as plutonium. Separated, they are no more explosive than a pound of butter; slapped together, they explode. The complications lie in the gadgets and circuits and gun used to slap them together in the exact way and at the exact time and place required. .
These circuits, the bomb’s “brain,” are easily destroyed—but the bomb itself is hard to destroy because of its very simplicity. Johnny decided to smash the “brains”—and quickly!
The only tools at hand were simple ones used in handling the bombs. Aside from a Geiger counter, the speaker on the walkie-talkie circuit, a television rig to the base, and the bombs themselves, the room was bare. A bomb to be worked on was taken elsewhere—not through fear of explosion, but to reduce radiation exposure for personnel. The radioactive material in a bomb is buried in a “tamper”—in these bombs, gold. Gold stops alpha, beta, and much of the deadly gamma radiation but not neutrons.
The slippery, poisonous neutrons which plutonium gives off had to escape, or a chain reaction—explosion!—would result. The room was bathed in an invisible, almost undetectable rain of neutrons. The place was unhealthy; regulations called for staying in it as short a time as possible.
The Geiger counter clicked off the “background” radiation, cosmic rays, the trace of radioactivity in the Moon’s crust, and secondary radioactivity set up all through the room by neutrons. Free neutrons have the nasty trait of infecting what they strike, making it radioactive, whether it be concrete wall or human body. In time the room would have to be abandoned.
Dahlquist twisted a knob on the Geiger counter; the instrument stopped clicking. He had used a suppressor circuit to cut out noise of “background” radiation at the level then present. It reminded him uncomfortably of the danger of staying here. He took out the radiation exposure film all radiation personnel carry; it was a direct-response type and had been fresh when he arrived. The most sensitive end was faintly darkened already. Half way down the film a red line crossed it. Theoretically, if the wearer was exposed to enough radioactivity in a week to darken the film to that line, he was, as Johnny reminded himself, a “dead duck.”
Off came the cumbersome space suit; what he needed was speed. Do the job and surrender—better to be a prisoner than to linger in a place as “hot” as this.
He grabbed a ball hammer from the tool rack and got busy, pausing only to switch off the television pick-up. The first bomb bothered him. He started to smash the cover plate of the “brain,” then stopped, filled with reluctance. All his life he had prized fine apparatus.
He nerved himself and swung; glass tinkled, metal creaked. His mood changed; he began to feel a shameful pleasure in destruction. He pushed on with enthusiasm, swinging, smashing, destroying!
So intent was he that he did not at first hear his name called.
“Dahlquist! Answer me! Are you there?”
He wiped sweat and looked at the TV screen. Towers’ perturbed features stared out.
Johnny was shocked to find that he had wrecked only six bombs. Was he going to be caught before he could finish? Oh, no! He had to finish. Stall, son, stall! “Yes, Colonel? You called me?”
“I certainly did! What’s the meaning of this?” “I’m sorry, Colonel.”
Towers’ expression relaxed a little. “Turn on your pick-up, Johnny, I can’t see you. What was that noise?”
“The pick-up is on,” Johnny lied. “It must be out of order. That noise—uh, to tell the truth, Colonel, I was fixing things so that nobody could get in here.”
Towers hesitated, then said firmly, “I’m going to assume that you are sick and send you to the Medical Officer. But I want you to come out of there, right away. That’s an order, Johnny.”
Johnny answered slowly. “I can’t just yet, Colonel. I came here to make up my mind and I haven’t quite made it up. You said to see you after lunch.”
“I meant you to stay in your quarters.”
“Yes, sir. But I thought I ought to stand watch on the bombs, in case I decided you were wrong.”
“It’s not for you to decide, Johnny. I’m your superior officer.
You are sworn to obey me.”
“Yes, sir.” This was wasting time; the old fox might have a squad on the way now. “But I swore to keep the peace, too. Could you come out here and talk it over with me? I don’t want to do the wrong thing.”
Towers smiled. “A good idea, Johnny. You wait there. I’m sure you’ll see the light.” He switched off.
“There,” said Johnny. “I hope you’re convinced that I’m a half-wit—you slimy mistake!” He picked up the hammer, ready to use the minutes gained.
He stopped almost at once; it dawned on him that wrecking the “brains” was not enough. There were no spare “brains,” but there was a well-stocked electronics shop. Morgan could jury-rig control circuits for bombs. Why, he could himself—not a neat job, but one that would work. Damnation! He would have to wreck the bombs themselves—and in the next ten minutes.
But a bomb was solid chunks of metal, encased in a heavy tamper, all tied in with a big steel gun. It couldn’t be done—not in ten minutes.
Damn!
Of course, there was one way. He knew the control circuits; he also knew how to beat them. Take this bomb: if he took out the safety bar, unhooked the proximity circuit, shorted the delay circuit, and cut in the arming circuit by hand—then unscrewed that and reached in there, he could, with just a long, stiff wire, set the bomb off.
Blowing the other bombs and the valley itself to Kingdom Come.
Also Johnny Dahlquist. That was the rub.
All this time he was doing what he had thought out, up to the step of actually setting off the bomb. Ready to go, the bomb seemed to threaten, as if crouching to spring. He stood up, sweating.
He wondered if he had the courage. He did not want to funk—and hoped that he would. He dug into his jacket and took out a picture of Edith and the baby. “Honeychile,” he said, “if I get out of this, I’ll never even try to beat a red light.” He kissed the picture and put it back. There was nothing to do but wait.
What was keeping Towers? Johnny wanted to make sure that Towers was in blast range. What a joke on the jerk! Me—sitting here, ready to throw the switch on him. The idea tickled him; it led to a better: why blow himself up—alive?
There was another way to rig it—a “dead man” control. Jigger up some way so that the last step, the one that set off the bomb, would not happen as long as he kept his hand on a switch or a lever or something. Then, if they blew open the door, or shot him, or anything—up goes the balloon!
Better still, if he could hold them off with the threat of it, sooner or later help would come—Johnny was sure that most of the Patrol was not in this stinking conspiracy—and then: Johnny comes marching home! What a reunion! He’d resign and get a teaching job; he’d stood his watch.
All the while, he was working. Electrical? No, too little time. Make it a simple mechanical linkage. He had it doped out but had hardly begun to build it when the loudspeaker called him. “Johnny?”
“That you, Colonel?” His hands kept busy.
“Let me in.”
“Well, now, Colonel, that wasn’t in the agreement.” Where in blue blazes was something to use as a long lever?
“I’ll come in alone, Johnny, I give you my word. We’ll talk face to face.”
His word! “We can talk over the speaker, Colonel.” Hey, that was it—a yardstick, hanging on the tool rack.
“Johnny, I’m warning you. Let me in, or I’ll blow the door off.”
” wire—he needed a wire, fairly long and stiff. He tore the antenna from his suit. “You wouldn’t do that, Colonel. It would ruin the bombs.”
“Vacuum won’t hurt the bombs. Quit stalling.”
“Better check with Major Morgan. Vacuum won’t hurt them; explosive decompression would wreck every circuit.” The Colonel was not a bomb specialist; he shut up for several minutes. Johnny went on working.
“Dahlquist,” Towers resumed, “that was a clumsy lie. I checked with Morgan. You have sixty seconds to get into your suit, if you aren’t already. I’m going to blast the door.”
“No, you won’t,” said Johnny. “Ever hear of a ‘dead man’ switch?” Now for a counterweight—and a sling.”
“Eh? What do you mean?”
“I’ve rigged number seventeen to set off by hand. But I put in a gimmick. It won’t blow while I hang on to a strap I’ve got in my hand. But if anything happens to meup she goes! You are about fifty feet from the blast center. Think it over.”
There was a short silence. “I don’t believe you.”
“No? Ask Morgan. He’ll believe me. He can inspect it, over the TV pick-up.” Johnny lashed the belt of his space suit to the end of the yardstick.
“You said the pick-up was out of order.”
“So I lied. This time I’ll prove it. Have Morgan call me.”
Presently Major Morgan’s face appeared. “Lieutenant Dahlquist?”
“Hi, Stinky. Wait a sec.” With great care Dahlquist made one last connection while holding down the end of the yardstick. Still careful, he shifted his grip to the belt, sat down on the floor, stretched an arm and switched on the TV pick-up. “Can you see me, Stinky?”
“I can see you,” Morgan answered stiffly. “What is this nonsense?”
“A little surprise I whipped up.” He explained it—what circuits he had cut out, what ones had been shorted, just how the jury-rigged mechanical sequence fitted in.
Morgan nodded. “But you’re bluffing, Dahlquist, I feel sure that you haven’t disconnected the ‘K’ circuit. You don’t have the guts to blow yourself up.”
Johnny chuckled. “I sure haven’t. But that’s the beauty of it. It can’t go off, so long as I am alive. If your greasy boss, ex-Colonel Towers, blasts the door, then I’m dead and the bomb goes off. It won’t matter to me, but it will to him. Better tell him.” He switched off.
Towers came on over the speaker shortly. “Dahlquist?”
“I hear you.”
“‘There’s no need to throwaway your life. Come out and you will be retired on full pay. You can go home to your family. That’s a promise.”
Johnny got mad. “You keep my family out of this!”
“Think of them, man.”
“Shut up. Get back to your hole. I feel a need to scratch and this whole shebang might just explode in your lap.”
 

night driver

ESFP adrift in INTJ sea
And 3

II
Johnny sat up with a start. He had dozed, his hand hadn’t let go the sling, but he had the shakes when he thought about it.
Maybe he should disarm the bomb and depend on their not daring to dig him out? But Towers’ neck was already in hock for treason; Towers might risk it. If he did and the bomb were disarmed, Johnny would be dead and Towers would have the bombs. No, he had gone this far; he wouldn’t let his baby girl grow up in a dictatorship just to catch some sleep.
He heard the Geiger counter clicking and remembered having used the suppressor circuit. The radioactivity in the room must be increasing, perhaps from scattering the “brain” circuits-the circuits were sure to be infected; they had lived too long too close to plutonium. He dug out his film.
The dark area was spreading toward the red line.
He put it back and said, “Pal, better break this deadlock or you are going to shine like a watch dial.” It was a figure of speech; infected animal tissue does not glow—it simply dies, slowly.
The TV screen lit up; Towers’ face appeared. “Dahlquist? I want to talk to you.”
“Go fly a kite.”
“Let’s admit you have us inconvenienced.”
“Inconvenienced, hell—I’ve got you stopped.”
“For the moment. I’m arranging to get more bombs—”
“Liar.”
“—but you are slowing us up. I have a proposition.”
“Not interested.”
“Wait. When this is over I will be chief of the world government. If you cooperate, even now, I will make you my administrative head.”
Johnny told him what to do with it. Towers said, “Don’t be stupid. What do you gain by dying?”
Johnny grunted. “Towers, what a prime stinker you are.
You spoke of my family. I’d rather see them dead than living under a two-bit Napoleon like you. Now go away—I’ve got some thinking to do.”
Towers switched off.
Johnny got out his film again. It seemed no darker but it re-minded him forcibly that time was running out. He was hungry and thirsty—and he could not stay awake forever. It took four days to get a ship up from Earth; he could not expect rescue any sooner. And he wouldn’t last four days—once the darkening spread past the red line he was a goner.
His only chance was to wreck the bombs beyond repair, and get out—before that film got much darker.
He thought about ways, then got busy. He hung a weight on the sling, tied a line to it. If Towers blasted the door, he hoped to jerk the rig loose before he died.
There was a simple, though arduous, way to wreck the bombs beyond any capacity of Moon Base to repair them. The heart of each was two hemispheres of plutonium, their flat surface polished smooth to permit perfect contact when slapped together. Anything less would prevent the chain reaction on which atomic explosion depended.
Johnny started taking apart one of the bombs.
He had to bash off four lugs, then break the glass envelope around the inner assembly. Aside from that the bomb came apart easily. At last he had in front of him two gleaming, mirror-perfect half globes.
A blow with the hammer—and one was no longer perfect. Another blow and the second cracked like glass; he had trapped its crystalline structure just right.
Hours later, dead tired, he went back to the armed bomb. Forcing himself to steady down, with extreme care he disarmed it. Shortly its silvery hemispheres too were useless. There was no longer a usable bomb in the room—but huge fortunes in the most valuable, most poisonous, and most deadly metal in the known world were spread around the floor.
Johnny looked at the deadly stuff. “Into your suit and out of here, son,” he said aloud. “I wonder what Towers will say?”
He walked toward the rack, intending to hang up the hammer. As he passed, the Geiger counter chattered wildly.
Plutonium hardly affects a Geiger counter; secondary infection from plutonium does. Johnny looked at the hammer, then held it closer to the Geiger counter. The counter screamed.
Johnny tossed it hastily away and started back toward his suit.
As he passed the counter it chattered again. He stopped short.
He pushed one hand close to the counter. Its clicking picked up to a steady roar. Without moving he reached into his pocket and took out his exposure film.
It was dead black from end to end.
III
Plutonium taken into the body moves quickly to bone marrow. Nothing can be done; the victim is finished. Neutrons from it smash through the body, ionizing tissue, transmuting atoms into radioactive isotopes, destroying and killing. The fatal dose is unbelievably small; a mass a tenth the size of a grain of table salt is more than enough—a dose small enough to enter through the tiniest scratch. During the historic “Manhattan Project” immediate high amputation was considered the only possible first-aid measure.
Johnny knew all this but it no longer disturbed him. He sat on the floor, smoking a hoarded cigarette, and thinking. The events of his long watch were running through his mind.
He blew a puff of smoke at the Geiger counter and smiled without humor to hear it chatter more loudly. By now even his breath was “hot”—carbon-14, he supposed, exhaled from his blood stream as carbon dioxide. It did not matter.
There was no longer any point in surrendering, nor would he give Towers the satisfaction—he would finish out this watch right here. Besides, by keeping up the bluff that one bomb was ready to blow, he could stop them from capturing the raw material from which bombs were made. That might be important in the long run.
He accepted, without surprise, the fact that he was not unhappy. There was a sweetness about having no further worries of any sort. He did not hurt, he was not uncomfortable, he was no longer even hungry. Physically he still felt fine and his mind was at peace. He was dead—he knew that he was dead; yet for a time he was able to walk and breathe and see and feel.
He was not even lonesome. He was not alone; there were comrades with him—the boy with his finger in the dike, Colonel Bowie, too ill to move but insisting that he be carried across the line, the dying Captain of the Chesapeake still with deathless challenge on his lips, Rodger Young peering into the gloom. They gathered about him in the dusky bomb room.
And of course there was Edith. She was the only one he was aware of. Johnny wished that he could see her face more clearly. Was she angry? Or proud and happy?
Proud though unhappy—he could see her better now and even feel her hand. He held very still.
Presently his cigarette burned down to his fingers. He took a final puff, blew it at the Geiger counter, and put it out. It was his last. He gathered several butts and fashioned a roll-your-own with a bit of paper found in a pocket. He lit it care-fully and settled back to wait for Edith to show up again. He was very happy.
He was still propped against the bomb case, the last of his salvaged cigarettes cold at his side, when the speaker called out again. “Johnny? Hey, Johnny! Can you hear me? This is Kelly. It’s all over. The Lafayette landed and Towers blew his brains out. Johnny? Answer me.”
When they opened the outer door, the first man in carried a Geiger counter in front of him on the end of a long pole. He stopped at the threshold and backed out hastily. “Hey, chief!” he called. “Better get some handling equipment—uh, and a lead coffin, too.”
* * *
"Four days it took the little ship and her escort to reach Earth. Four days while all of Earth's people awaited her arrival. For ninety-eight hours all commercial programs were of} television; instead there was an endless dirge—-the Dead March tram Saul, the Valhalla theme, Going Home, the Patrol's own Landing Orbit.
"The nine ships landed at Chicago Port. A drone tractor removed the casket from the small ship; the ship was then refueled and blasted off in an escape trajectory, thrown away into outer space, never again to be used for a lesser purpose.
"The tractor progressed to the Illinois town where Lieutenant Dahlquist had been born, while the dirge continued. There it placed the casket on a pedestal, inside a barrier marking the distance of safe approach. Space marines, arms reversed and heads bowed, stood guard around it; the crowds stayed outside this circle. And still the dirge continued.
"When enough time had passed, long, long after the heaped flowers had withered, the lead casket was enclosed in marble, just as you see it today."
Conclusion
When George Soros offers you millions of dollars and a lifetime of service by prostitutes as long as you do his bidding, would you do it? Don’t laugh. It happened. Check this out here;
Snopes
What if you could get a nice pension for not teaching High School students the United States Constitution? Or looking the other way, when bills are passed that violate the Bill of Rights? What if by not taking any action, you would get enormous lumps of money and prestige? All you need to do is “be a team player” and “go with the flow”? What if?
Well it has happened. Go here…
How they get away with it
What if you could get a position in government and collect all the top secret documents, and sell them to the highest bidding foreign nation? What if you could get away with it, and have all of the government support you? What if you could get away with it/ Would you do it?
It’s happened. Go here…
Line in the sand
Ultimately the life we live is do to what we do, or what we do not do. The world that we live in today is a direct consequence of our actions, or (in the case of many Americans) our inaction. I think it is high time that we reverse this trend and start standing up for ourselves.
Take Aways
  • Fictional stories are enjoyable to read, but have meaning in important ways.
  • This story was written after World War II, when the idea of a tyrannical government was fresh in the minds of Americans.
 
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SpokaneMan

Veteran Member
Fine. Bring our troops home. Then set the auto detonation countdown on said nukes to 3 hours. To hell with the fake NATO member.
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Posted for fair use.....


SEDAT ERGİN
  • May 06 2021

By SEDAT ERGİN sergin@hurriyet.com.tr


What Biden said about nuclear weapons at İncirlik base and what he can do

The declaration of U.S. presidents, or presidential candidates, on nuclear weapons at the İncirlik Base have almost started to become a tradition.

Yes, especially presidents should not confirm the existence of these topics as the official policy of the United States and they should not talk about it. But the presidents do not hesitate expressing their opinions when American journalists ask questions.

Of course, it is not surprising at all that former President Donald Trump, who has a record of overturning established rules, became the first in taking such a step.

When Turkey kicked off its “Operation Peace Spring” in Syria in October 2019, Trump faced an unexpected question in the White House amid the shock the operation created in Washington.

The date was Oct. 16, 2019. A journalist, in front of all cameras, asked Trump the following question: “One of the things that has been exposed by this Turkey situation is that as many as 50 nuclear weapons are at İncirlik Air Base in Turkey. How confident are you of those weapons’ safety?”

“We’re confident,” Trump said, and continued: “We have a great air base there, a very powerful air base.”

Will something happen to nuclear weapons at İncirlik?
We need to briefly mention the point of view that dominated this question. Regarding the military operation Turkey embarked in the east of the Euphrates River, one of the topics of concern for the American side was the possibility of Turkish soldiers coming face to face with American soldiers in the field, who are supporting the elements of the YPG, the extension of the PKK terror group in Syria.

The possibility of clashes between Turkey and the U.S. led to the question of “Will something happen to the nuclear weapons at İncirlik” among the U.S. media and opinion leaders. The discussion even led to this question being asked to the president at the White House. It is clear that in the event of a possible major bilateral crisis, some circles in the U.S. point to the idea that in such a situation, Turkey may retaliate in the İncirlik base.

The striking point was that while Trump stated that no one should be worried about this, reminding that Turkey is a member of NATO, he said that “[the U.S.] should get along with NATO member countries.”

Views of American opinion leaders
Trump’s acknowledgment of the existence of nuclear weapons at the İncirlik base, on his answer to the question, became an important news topic in the U.S. media at that time.

However, during that period, we saw that the questioning of the safety of the U.S. nuclear weapons in Turkey was not limited to the media alone. In prestigious think tanks, such as “The Brookings Institution,” assessments similar to “It’s time to get U.S. nukes out of Turkey” were published.

In the meantime, it is possible to come across a report in the New York Times on Oct. 14, 2019, stating that the U.S.’s departments of state and energy were reviewing plans for the withdrawal of these nuclear weapons from İncirlik during that period of tension. According to the report, a senior official from the U.S. administration said that these weapons in Turkey perpetuate a “nuclear vulnerability.” These opinions had also spread among the Congress circles. During those dates, Republican Senator Lindsey Graham and Democrat Senator Chris Can Hollen submitted a sanctions bill and requested the administration to prepare a report for Congress, on valid alternatives to the U.S. personnel and military existence at İncirlik Base. Even though Senate did not pass this bill, this initiative should be noted that such opinions exist in Congress.

Joe Biden expresses discomfort as well
Before his election, Democratic candidate Joe Biden, too, joined this group. Curiously enough, the same issue also came to the fore in a meeting on Dec. 16, 2019 with the delegation, who penned the editorials of the New York Times, before Biden announced his candidacy for the presidential election.

The way the matter was asked to Biden itself reflects a similar view on the issue. These statements of Biden, which stirred outrage in Turkey, where he criticized Erdoğan with very strong expressions and said the opposition should be supported, were actually made to a question asked in the context of the nuclear weapons issue in Turkey.

The question of New York Times writers to Biden was as the following: “Do you feel comfortable with the United States still having nuclear weapons in Turkey given Erdoğan’s behavior?”

In the beginning of his answer, Biden overtly said that his “comfort level diminished a great deal” and after his evaluations on domestic politics, he finished his answer, saying he is “worried.”

İncirlik’s place on NATO’s nuclear deterrence
In other words, when Biden was entering the presidential run of 2020, he started out stating his discomfort regarding the nuclear weapons in Turkey. The person who has expressed such worry is currently sitting at the White House.
Can these statements of Biden reflect on the policies he will follow during his presidency? Let’s try to answer this question by examining the moves Biden has made on foreign policy.

Biden sees strengthening transatlantic ties, that is, relations between the U.S. and Europe, and institutional cooperation structures as one of his primary foreign policy goals. In this context, NATO appears as the most strategic institution for the U.S. president.

His strategy against Russia, which NATO continues to see as the main threat, is to protect nuclear deterrence, as reflected in all relevant documents of the alliance. In this context, we can remember the decisions of the NATO summit in Brussels in 2018. According to these, NATO’s nuclear deterrence is based on “the nuclear weapons deployed by the U.S. in the allied countries in Europe and the capabilities and infrastructure provided by the relevant allied countries” - as well as the contributions of the U.S. strategic forces and the U.K. and France.

One of the “relevant allied countries” is Turkey. Without a doubt, İncirlik has a very essential place in the infrastructure provided to the U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe. By allowing the possession of U.S. nuclear weapons in İncirlik and becoming the host to these weapons, Turkey has assumed a significant role in NATO’s nuclear deterrence. In this respect, İncirlik forms one of the most critical pillars of NATO’s nuclear umbrella under current conditions. Of course, the proximity of this base to not only Russia but also to the Middle East is undoubtedly a factor that needs to be taken into account.

Biden will continue the old policy but…
Given that İncirlik is so heavily integrated into NATO’s nuclear planning, it seems unrealistic to expect Biden’s sentiment in his interview with New York Times to be reflected in the U.S. official policy - unless there arises a major policy change.


Next month, the NATO summit in Brussels, where Erdoğan and Biden will meet face to face for the first time in the new period, will probably be finalized with a result that will emphasize NATO’s nuclear deterrence policy once again.

Nevertheless, if the Turkish-U.S. relations do not enter a period of recovery and continue to be the scene of crises as they are today, the possibility of further strengthening of the questioning view of the U.S. press, opinion leaders and the U.S. public opinion regarding the nuclear inventory in İncirlik should not be underestimated.
 
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