ALERT The Winds of War Blow in Korea and The Far East

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
China Warns Australia's Military Is "Weak", Will Be "First Hit" In Any War With Western Alliance
by Tyler Durden

4-5 minutes


Following now completed joint war games held by the US, Japan, France and Australia in the East China Sea off the southwest coast of Japan earlier this month, China has lashed out particularly at its large regional neighbor Australia, calling its military "weak" and "insignificant" at a moment the two are locked in a severe trade and diplomatic tit-for-tat dispute.

Beijing voiced specific threats and warnings via its state-run English language mouthpiece Global Times, which recently wrote, "Australia's military is too weak to be a worthy opponent of China, and if it dares to interfere in a military conflict for example in the Taiwan Straits, its forces will be among the first to be hit."
ARC 21 exercise off the coast of Kagoshima, Japan in mid-May. Image: US Marine Corps
"Australia must not think it can hide from China if it provokes," the report continued with its threats. "Australia is within range of China's conventional warhead-equipped DF-26 intermediate-range ballistic missile."
Exercise Jeanne d'Arc 21 - or ARC21, as the Western alliance called it, also featured rare amphibious assault landing drills, which is seen as aimed at challenging China's expansive claims over regional island-chains and contested reef areas on which it's built up military installations.
Here's more from the GT column's response...

Japan was also focus of China's media attacks over the exercise as it was warned not to let its historic "militarism come back to life".

Also at a sensitive moment its hosting the summer Olympics is in question, the article called for Tokyo not to get distracted from the more pressing pandemic and health crisis in its midst:

All of this comes as the United States also this week announced it will send its only Asia-Pacific carrier presence to Mideast waters in order to assist with the Afghanistan withdrawal this summer - a move which Republican Congressional hawks lamented as leaving the US exposed in a "priority theater".
Rabobank noted on the USS Ronald Reagan's impending departure from waters off Japan that "For the first time in a long time, the US has no aircraft carrier in the Pacific. The symbolism is clear: and it leaves some wondering what might happen if push comes to shove."

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What a good reason for Australia to throw away the NPT and "roll your own" Pershing 3s and run them all around the Outback or get the UK to transfer a couple of their older SSBNs to the RAN, if not just regularly run one out of Australia with a combined RN/RAN crew to protect the Commonwealth....
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Posted for fair use.....

China’s growing presence in Sri Lanka and India’s concerns
May 28, 2021 12:18 PM

Hailing it as a source of investment (USD 15 Billion) and employment (200,000 jobs) which will provide a boost to the country’s economy, it refuted the Opposition’s allegations that it compromised the country’s sovereignty and will become a Chinese colony in Sri Lanka.

By Commodore Anil Jai Singh,
On 19 May 2021, the Sri Lankan Parliament approved the ‘Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill ‘by a majority vote (148-59). Hailing it as a source of investment (USD 15 Billion) and employment (200,000 jobs) which will provide a boost to the country’s economy, it refuted the Opposition’s allegations that it compromised the country’s sovereignty and will become a Chinese colony in Sri Lanka. Built at a cost of USD 1.4 Bn on 269 hectares of reclaimed land off the Port of Colombo, it will include a Special Economic Zone where it will be free to operate in any currency. The SEZ will be administered by a Special Commission which will be exempt from certain legal and constitutional oversight.

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The passing of this Bill should not come as a surprise since the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahendra – the Prime Minister (and former President) and Gotabaya the President are known to be soft on China. It was during the time Mahendra was the President and Gotobaya the Defence Minister that China was able to make major inroads into Sri Lanka as part of its Belt and Road Initiative and gained a firm foothold in that country. It developed the Hambantota port which it has now leased for 99 years for USD 1.2 Bn as a debt swap for the Chinese loan though there are voices in Sri Lanka which dispute this stating that the lease was done to generate money to service its external debt and not the repayment of the Chinese loan. However, whatever be the specifics, the fact remains that Hambantota which is located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka will have substantial Chinese control. Infact, Sri Lanka has even moved its naval base at Hambantota to Galle.

Control of Hambantota port gives China a vantage position in the eastern Indian Ocean to address its Malacca Dilemma. The passing of the Bill which will soon become an Act will give China an additional 269 hectares of reclaimed seafront off the Colombo port in the country’s south-west with little oversight from the Sri Lankan government and will enable it to have full control to the extent that it could even regulate the movement of people and since any currency will be allowed to be used, the Yuan will be a certainty.

Sri Lanka occupies a strategic position in the Indo-Pacific. Its southern tip straddles some of the most critical sea lanes in the world over which most of the trade and almost all of the energy transits to nations east of the Malacca Straits viz China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and many others. It is therefore critical for all these nations to ensure that the safety and security of these sea lanes and the ships transiting through them is not jeopardised. China is heavily dependent on oil from the Arabian Gulf – 80% of its oil imports are sourced from there and transit through the Straits of Malacca, one of the most strategically important geopolitical chokepoints in the world. Prior to entering the Malacca Straits , this traffic passes through the Traffic Separation Scheme off Dondra Head which is located only about 10 nautical miles south of Hambantota. Control of this port is therefore a strategic asset for China in mitigating the vulnerability of its trade and energy in what is referred to as its Malacca Dilemma. A strong PLA Navy presence in this region will not only secure its own trade but will also enable it to disrupt, delay or destroy the trade and energy flows to its adversaries. China’s Malacca Dilemma is its apprehension that India will be able to block the western approaches to the Malacca Straits since they are in close proximity to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and USA and its allies in the Pacific being able to block the eastern approaches thus crippling the movement of its merchant as well as naval shipping. The Malacca Straits at its narrowest is less than two miles wide and an effective chokepoint.

From an Indian perspective this is not good news. India had been very uncomfortable with the previous Rajapaksa regime and its proximity to China. Subsequently when the Sirisena/Wickremasinghe government came to power, there seemed to be a pro-India tilt though it did not greatly impact the Chinese investments despite their coming under scrutiny. Infact, the Hambantota port was leased to the Chinese during this period. However, this government soon gave way to the Rajapaksa brothers who returned stronger than ever. Initially they made all the right noises – India was the first country they both visited after assuming office – Gotobaya as President in November 2019 and Mahendra as Prime Minister in February 2020 and reiterated the warmth of the bilateral relationship. The President’s visit had been preceded by Dr Jaishankar, the Indian External Affairs Minister visiting Sri Lanka a week earlier. On another occasion Mahendra Rajapaksa also commented that the extent of Chinese investment was perhaps a mistake. These moves allayed India’s apprehensions to some extent. In December 2020, Ajit Doval, the Indian National Security Adviser travelled to Colombo to participate in a NSA level trilateral meeting on maritime security with his Sri Lankan and Maldivian counterparts. Held after a gap of four years, it was decided to institutionalise this as a biennial event, and earlier this year a permanent secretariat was established at the Sri Lankan Naval HQ in Colombo to function 24/7 on issues related primarily to maritime security. Sri Lanka has also been a beneficiary of India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth For All in the Region) Doctrine promoting inclusive and cooperative capacity building to secure the larger Indian Ocean region from the traditional, non-traditional, transnational and sub-conventional security challenges that abound in this region. There are plans to integrate Sri Lanka into the Coastal Security Network and the Sri Lankan Navy also operates Indian-built Offshore Patrol Vessels.

A permanent PLA(N) presence in the Indian Ocean is a source of concern to the Indian Navy which has been flagged by successive Chiefs of the Indian Navy. Leasing Hambantota and the Port City project makes it almost certain that the PLA will soon have a presence in these waters which may include the basing of ships and submarines as well as a staging post for sustaining a longer deployment in the Indian Ocean. A PLA(N) presence in the eastern Indian Ocean will certainly inhibit the Indian Navy’s deployment options and will neutralise the geographical advantage it enjoys in these waters. China has been expanding its footprint in the Indian Ocean and has been regularly deploying research vessels (spy ships) to gather intelligence and hydrographic data. Availability of a base would enable a more sustained presence.

Perhaps of even greater concern to the Indian Navy is that Hambantota and Colombo are less than 300 miles from the Indian mainland, about 400 miles from Chennai and are less than an hour’s flying time away. So India will have to adapt to the presence of its principal adversary practically in its backyard and shape its preparedness and response accordingly.
It is indeed surprising that India, despite its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and its SAGAR initiative is unable to anticipate events in its strategic neighbourhood. It misread Maldives a few years ago when a coup unseated President Nasheed and allowed the Chinese to make deep inroads into that country despite the Indian High Commission being just a stone’s throw away from the President’s residence in a city that is smaller than a Tier-2 Indian city and led to the cancellation of the strategic international airport project with an Indian firm. Bangladesh, despite a friendly Sheikh Hasina at the helm and a healthy bilateral relationship procured two Ming class submarines and a frigate from China which gives that country a military-diplomatic leverage that is detrimental to India’s interests in the Bay of Bengal. As recently as last week the Chinese President Xi Jinping was in Bangladesh warning it not to encourage extra regional powers into the region (read ‘Quad’). However, Bangladesh cannot be blamed for turning to the Chinese to enhance its naval force levels since India’s dysfunctional defence-industrial policies and approach to defence manufacture coupled with political myopia has left it bereft of indigenous submarine technology and therefore the ability to offer a submarine to its neighbour. India’s foreign policy mandarins decided to counter this by handing over one of its Kilo class submarines to Myanmar to deepen the bilateral engagement with that country and enhance the security framework in the Bay of Bengal. Prior to the handing over of this valuable platform which further depleted India’s deficient submarine force, the Indian Army Chief accompanied by the Foreign Secretary had visited that country. Less than six months later, the military junta in that country staged a coup overthrowing the democratic process and leaving India surprised and in a bind. While the world criticised the move in no uncertain terms and discussed punitive action, India had to calibrate its response very carefully due to its own security imperatives in the region. Hence India’s maritime diplomacy in our strategic neighbourhood has been less than impressive in the recent past so the turn of events in Sri Lanka should not come as a surprise.

China has made no secret of its intention to dominate the Indian Ocean through its fast expanding navy and strategic initiatives like the BRI. A permanent PLA(N) presence in close proximity to India would undermine India’s own position in the Indian Ocean and its ability to shape the geopolitical outcomes in the region. It must therefore pay far more attention to securing its maritime frontiers and its regional interests with a synergistic foreign and security policy with due prioritisation and committed funding for development of adequate naval force levels, addressing capability deficits and intensifying its capacity building initiatives in the region.

(The author is Vice President of the Indian Maritime Foundation, and a former submariner. Views expressed are personal and do not reflect the official position or policy of the Financial Express Online.)
 

Housecarl

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Navigating Geopolitics: The Need for a Balanced and Nuanced Approach
GANESHAN WIGNARAJA
on 05/28/2021

Photo courtesy of MENAFN
As it looks towards a post COVID-19 world, Sri Lanka, with its strategic location in the Indian Ocean, faces the stark policy choice of either tilting towards China or balancing its ties with the great powers. While China’s successful pandemic diplomacy and commercial focus has made it economically important, it is timely for the island nation to reap additional rewards by following a more nuanced and balanced posture in its relations with China, the United States and India.


The visit of Chinese Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe to Sri Lanka in late April 2021 – the second visit by a high ranking Chinese official since the pandemic – has raised eyebrows in New Delhi and Washington DC. During bilateral talks with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the two countries agreed to strengthen defence and economic ties. Sri Lanka requested China’s assistance to mitigate the economic crisis arising from COVID-19, which saw its economic growth collapse to -3.6 per cent in 2020, and for the training of military personnel. During a phone call with President Xi Jinping at the end of March 2021, President Rajapaksa was invited for an official visit to Beijing. Strategically located in the centre of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka has become entangled in great power rivalries since the end of a 30-year civil conflict in 2009. Meanwhile, adopting a tough line on China in its first months in office, the Joe Biden administration is looking to contain China’s military and economic power in Asia with the help of its allies – a key difference from the Donald Trump administration. Although India is being ravaged by a new wave of COVID-19, its foreign and defence establishment is closely watching developments in neighbouring Sri Lanka. As national security and economic development in Sri Lanka is being shaped by geopolitical rivalries, it is useful to examine China’s pandemic diplomacy, Sri Lanka’s recent tilt towards it using the prism of cost-benefit analysis and ways to better balance ties with the great powers.

China’s smart pandemic diplomacy
In 2020-2021, as a sign of closer ties, China stepped up its assistance to Sri Lanka in the areas of healthcare, development finance and trade to help it mitigate the effects of the pandemic. Following the first visit by a high-ranking Chinese official, Communist Party Politburo Member Yang Jiechi, a US$90 million grant in October 2020 was provided for medical care, education and water supplies. In a headline grabbing move, in March 2021 the People’s Bank of China signed a currency swap agreement with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka for 10 billion Yuan for bilateral trade and investment, and in March 2021, the China Development Bank gave Sri Lanka the second tranche of US$500 million of a US$1 billion loan to help ensure fiscal stability. In a bid to advance its so-called vaccine diplomacy, in March 2021, China also provided 600,000 doses of Sinopharm vaccine to Sri Lanka stipulating that the vaccine should be first used to vaccinate Chinese employees working on development projects. In early May 2021, after the World Health Organization approved the Sinopharm vaccine for emergency use, Sri Lanka began to roll it out to high-risk groups in the Western province. China has said it would supply more vaccines to the country and maybe invest in vaccine production facility jointly with the State Pharmaceutical Corporation of Sri Lanka.

Data suggests that the quantum of China’s direct COVID-19 assistance to Sri Lanka is greater than the combined total of that from the United States (US) and India. The US has donated US$6 million in COVID-10 assistance to Sri Lanka for testing and health services while the US Agency for International Development has programmes to support economic recovery there amounting to another US$71 million. While such direct assistance seems relatively small, the US remains Sri Lanka’s second largest export market due to a strong performance of garment exports and is one of the few countries with whom it enjoys a bilateral trade surplus. In addition, Sri Lanka’s garment exports could benefit from a US economic recovery engineered by the Biden administration’s US$1.9 trillion stimulus. Looking at India, the Central Bank Sri Lanka received a US$400 million currency swap under the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation framework from the Reserve Bank of India. Furthermore, India’s gift of 500,000 doses of the Astra-Zeneca vaccine kicked off Sri Lanka’s vaccination programme. However, the advent of the new wave of the pandemic and supply bottlenecks at the Serum Institute in Pune have seen India placing restrictions on vaccine exports which has affected the vaccination programmes of its neighbours. A previous Indian grant of US$7.6 million in 2016 for a free ambulance service has improved Sri Lanka’s COVID-19 health response by taking patients to hospitals.

A tilt to China?
China and Sri Lanka have enjoyed warm diplomatic ties since the latter recognised the former in 1950, supported China’s accession to the United Nations and signed a rubber-rice barter deal in 1952. The two established formal diplomatic relations in 1957. As a token of appreciation, China gifted and built an international conference centre – emulating the design of the Great Hall of People in Beijing – for Sri Lanka to host the 1976 Non-Aligned Conference chaired by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. But China’s global rise since opening up its economy to foreign trade and investment under Deng Xiaoping in 1978 inevitably led to the transformation of its diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka into a more focussed commercial direction.

International interest has focussed on the economic impact of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects on Sri Lanka. But Chinese involvement in the infrastructure sector in there predates the launch of the BRI in 2013. The cumulative value of Chinese infrastructure investment in Sri Lanka was about US$13 billion between 2006 and August 2020, which as a share of gross domestic product (GDP) is less than the figures for Pakistan and Laos PDR. Some projects have brought greater benefits to Sri Lanka’s economy than others, such as the Colombo International Container Terminal, which has allowed the deep-water Colombo Port to manage nearly one-third of India’s trans-shipment trade. The adjacent Colombo Port City, built on reclaimed land from the sea, could be a game changer for modern service sector growth. Handled correctly with a supportive regulatory and marketing framework, the ambitious project might gradually position Sri Lanka as the ‘Dubai of South Asia’ in a post-COVID world economy. However, the benefits of some smaller projects such as the Colombo Lotus Tower (a delayed telecommunications and leisure project) and the Magam Ruhunupura International Convention Centre (built for conferences and performing arts in a location 260 kilometres from Colombo) seem less clear. Moreover, rising imported inputs from China for construction projects in Sri Lanka have widened the significant trade deficit between the two countries (US$3.8 billion in 2019) while Sri Lanka’s exports to China have remained sluggish. There are also less visible economic spillovers from Chinese projects in terms of foreign investment into the Sri Lankan manufacturing sector, technology transfer and local job creation.

The Chinese debt trap is another contentious issue. Since the early 2000s, China has become an important provider of commercial loans to Sri Lanka for infrastructure projects. There are claims that by accepting such loans, Sri Lanka is becoming stuck in a ‘debt trap’. The Hambantota Port, built in southern Sri Lanka with Chinese commercial loans, which is being managed by a Chinese state-owned enterprise on a 99-year lease, has become a poster child for the Chinese debt trap narrative. The Hambantota Port deal brought in a world class port operator to promote its commercial development and the adjacent export processing zone can be leveraged to attract export-oriented foreign investment over time. Sri Lanka is not in a Chinese debt trap but could be at risk in the future if unfettered borrowing on commercial terms were to continue. According to the latest data from Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Finance, as of August 2020, only around 10 per cent of the Sri Lankan government’s outstanding debt stock was owed to China compared with 47 per cent owed to financial markets, 22 per cent to multilateral development banks, 10 per cent to Japan and two per cent to India. Sri Lanka’s generally high debt to GDP levels over recent decades, which have risen during the pandemic, reflect a persistent fiscal deficit, notable currency depreciation, the costs of a 30-year civil conflict that ended in 2009 and lacklustre post-conflict growth.

Indian security concerns
Senior Indian officials are also concerned that a growing Chinese footprint risks violating Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and threatens India’s southern flank and its national security. The visit of a Chinese Type 039 ‘Song’ class submarine to Colombo in 1994 elicited a strong diplomatic protest from India. Concerns that the Chinese managed Hambantota Port could become a dual use commercial/military facility have heightened following India-China skirmishes in the Himalayas in 2020. In an attempt to reassure India, Sri Lanka’s Navy manages port calls by foreign ships and security at Hambantota Port. The capacity of the Sri Lanka Navy to undertake maritime patrol activities has been augmented by purchases of two offshore patrol vessels manufactured by Goa’s shipbuilders in India, the gift of a high endurance Hamilton class cutter from the US and a gift of Type 053 frigate from China. India-Sri Lanka defence cooperation has been bolstered by regular dialogues, navy exercises and training in India for the Sri Lankan armed forces. The US assisted the Sri Lanka Navy to establish a Sri Lankan Marine Corps and conducts exercises with the Sri Lankan Navy and Air Force in maritime security and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

A balanced and nuanced approach
The history of economic development in Asia is replete with examples of small economies that have been able to balance their relations with great powers and reap rewards in terms of prosperity and national security. Sri Lanka should follow suit by adopting a more nuanced and balanced posture in its relations with great powers. So, what is the outlook for Sri Lanka’s relations with great powers?

China-Sri Lanka economic ties seem set to expand in the future following the high-level visits of Chinese officials to Sri Lanka and President Rajapaksa’s eventual visit to Beijing. Transitioning towards a new phase in bilateral economic ties – from a foreign borrowing relationship to one emphasising trade and investment – is required for Sri Lanka to reap greater gains from its ties with China. The future agenda includes attracting Chinese investment into the industrial zone adjacent to Hambantota Port, concluding the Sino-Sri Lanka Comprehensive Partnership on favourable market access terms for Sri Lankan exporters, thereby reducing the trade deficit favouring China, and encouraging technology transfer from China to modernise Sri Lanka’s lagging agricultural sector to ensure food security. Better infrastructure master planning and capacity building would enhance the gains from BRI projects to Sri Lanka. To reduce the risk of a future Chinese debt trap, Sri Lanka should negotiate debt standstills with its creditors, improve its borrowing and debt management systems, and build its external reserve buffers by prudent macroeconomic management. Starting discussions on an International Monetary Fund programme might also reassure financial markets, rating agencies and even Chinese creditor institutions which have expressed concerns about Sri Lanka’s unfavourable debt dynamics after the COVID-19 economic shock.

Sri Lanka has signalled the resetting of ties with the US in anticipation of a more active American role in a post COVID-19 world. In November 2020, President Rajapaksa congratulated then President-elect Biden and said that he looked forward to working with him. But, against a likely rise in US-China trade, technology and military rivalries, the Biden administration will expect Sri Lanka to match words with deeds. Future talks could explore enhancing US-Sri Lanka cooperation in the maritime domain under the Indo-Pacific strategy and ways of attracting US investment in agro-industries, pharmaceuticals and healthcare and information technology (IT) services.

The same is likely of the Narendra Modi administration once it manages to control the new wave of the pandemic and prioritises the stabilisation of the Indian economy. As a small state without a large military, Sri Lanka should adhere to a strict non-aligned foreign policy in its relations with major powers emulating the success of Singapore and New Zealand. It should also pursue transparent, market-oriented policies to encourage foreign and local investments. An amended Colombo Port City Economic Commission law was just passed creating a powerful body to oversee activities within the Special Economic Zone (SEZ). A regulatory framework for SEZ should be adopted following good practice principles enshrined in successful mixed commercial and leisure developments internationally. These can be marketed to Indian companies in the services sector such as IT services that may be interested in relocating elsewhere. The Master Plan for the development of the Trincomalee District jointly by India and Singapore should be implemented. Concluding negotiations to upgrade the shallow (goods only) India-Sri Lanka free trade agreement to include provisions on services and investment would encourage deeper economic ties. To further ally India’s security concerns, a trilateral India-Sri Lanka-Maldives maritime safety and security pact may be explored.

These concrete steps could permit Sri Lanka to better exploit its geographical location under the framework of a rules-based multilateral order and to leverage its ties with the great powers for a sustained and peaceful post-pandemic economic recovery.

Dr Ganeshan Wignaraja is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the National University of Singapore (NUS) and a Senior Research Associate at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) in London. The views expressed here are solely his and not be attributed to the NUS or ODI.
 

Housecarl

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PACIFIC GERMANY
DOMINIK WULLERS
MAY 28, 2021
COMMENTARY

Only a few years ago, many observers of international relations would have thought of Germany as a peace-loving, if not pacifist, country. Whenever an international conflict demanded swift action, Germany was quick to reject the military option. If it did agree to a military operation, Berlin would ask to have its troops deployed far away from the action. Now, Germany has recently confirmed that it will soon send a warship into the hot zone that is the Indo-Pacific.

This planned deployment demonstrates a growing realism in Germany. As I have written before, Germany is becoming more realist in its foreign policy and less Wilsonian. The main catalyst has been the steadily decreasing U.S. interest in Europe since the end of the Cold War. Being on the receiving end of U.S. sanctions and tariff threats has made Germans more aware of the true anarchic nature of international relations, for example, after the unravelling of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or in the ongoing confrontation over Nord Stream 2.

It would be wrong to regard the German Indo-Pacific initiative purely as part of a larger European effort. True, France was the first E.U. country to release a strategy for the Indo-Pacific. Moreover, French President Emmanuel Macron has been pressing Berlin for some time now to support his plans to transform the European Union into a great power. Nevertheless, Germany has had its own realist epiphany, at least partly thanks to Donald Trump. The country’s move into the Indo-Pacific is not a mere product of reluctantly caving to French pressure. It follows clear interests that Germany, as a sovereign nation, has developed over the last decade.

What is “realist” about sending one measly frigate into the vastness of the Indo-Pacific? The move is only one element of the refreshingly realist strategy contained in Germany’s Policy Guidelines for the Indo-Pacific (Leitlinien der Bundesregierung zum Indo-Pazifik) that the German government released last year. The document unapologetically defines German interests in the region. As opposed to moral considerations that are the foundation of Wilsonianism, the new German realism exhibited here focuses on interests such as security and the integrity of the nation. Compared to previous white books and national defense guidelines, these guidelines are filled to the brim with realist interests.

The magnitude of this ongoing shift from Wilsonianism to realism cannot be overstated. Only 10 years ago, then-President Horst Köhler stepped down after being lambasted by the German media for insinuating that there could be a connection between German military operations abroad and the protection of open seaways or other economic interests. Trump‘s lessons about the realities of international relations have certainly sunk in.

German Indo-Pacific Goals

German interests in the Indo-Pacific are two-fold: securing German economic interests in the region and keeping the United States engaged in NATO. The first goal is plainly outlined in the German Indo-Pacific strategy and requires having a say in shaping the future of this crucial region. The Indo-Pacific contains over 4 billion customers, indispensable production lines, highly sought-after natural resources, generation-defining technological advances, and several of the most important shipping and trade routes, making it crucial for German interests. If Germany wants to maintain its level of wealth and prevent economic decline, the Indo-Pacific is the place to be.

China is also an important factor in Germany pursuing its interests. China as the “world’s factory” as well as one of the most promising markets, it is also the second-most powerful country in the world. The People’s Liberation Army Navy has recently become the largest navy in the world and China is adopting an increasingly coercive foreign policy. China has built several artificial islands to use as military bases in the South China Sea, drawn a nine-dash line on the map of that sea, disrespected the ruling of international courts, expanded its influence with its enormous Belt and Road Initiative, and steadily increased its military spending. China is changing the balance of power in the region and beyond.

Germany’s interests with regard to China have so far been primarily economic. German business elites have pushed for more opportunities to invest in and trade with China. At the same time, however, China has aggressively expanded its reach within Europe with its Belt and Road Initiative and has even managed to create divisions within the European Union at times. The integrity of the European Union and its independence from foreign influence is very important for Berlin. Keeping China in check is therefore competing with Germany’s economic interests.

Germany also has an interest in keeping the United States from turning tensions with China into the next Cold War. As German Minister of Foreign Affairs Heiko Maas puts it in the forward to the new guidelines, “A new bipolarity with fresh dividing lines across the Indo-Pacific would undermine [our] interests.” Given that China draws its strength from its impressive economic growth, any successful attempt at containing China’s ambitions ought to include an effective economic component. The ramifications for global trade and production would be significant, as the former U.S. administration’s comparatively small-scale attempt at tariff diplomacy already illustrated. Consequently, multilateralism and initiatives to strengthen the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other regional balancing instruments are prominently featured in the German guidelines.

The second goal of the German move to the Indo-Pacific has to do with national security. Trump was neither the first nor the last president to threaten to decrease U.S. security commitments to the Old World if European countries, and especially Germany, do not do more for their own defense. After COVID-19 crushed the previously well-balanced German budget, and given the country’s declining yet still strong pacifist culture, it is highly unlikely the defense budget will reach the promised numbers any time soon.

The new German strategy to maintain American military support seems to finally follow Sen. Richard Lugar’s advice: Either NATO goes out of area or it goes out of business. NATO has not yet fully engaged in the South China Sea, but with one of its militarily most reluctant members sending a warship there, it might be a viable option for the future. Even if NATO does not become the “North Atlantic and Indo-Pacific Treaty Organization,” a European presence in the vicinity of America’s new rival might persuade Washington that Europe still holds strategic value for the United States. The U.S. State Department has already applauded the German initiative.

Underlying Intentions

Obviously, Germany’s two goals collide somewhat. Germany cannot hope to both impress Washington and not antagonize Beijing in the Indo-Pacific. When looking closer, however, Germany’s interest in having a say in the region does not necessarily require such neutrality. It only requires making itself relevant to the great power that shapes the region, which is still the United States.

Foreseeably, Germany will side with the United States in the Indo-Pacific. Of course, the German guidelines are careful to mask this inevitability: “No country should — as in the time of the Cold War — be forced to choose between two sides or fall into a state of unilateral dependency.” However, if China were to, say, aggressively try to change the balance in the region in its favor, Germany, by design of its Indo-Pacific policy guidelines, would have to side with the United States and its allies for the sake of multilateralism and the rules-based international order.

This makes the new German realism shine even brighter. The country not only released an unapologetic list of its interests in the Indo-Pacific, but it also made provisions to side with the dominant power and prepared an explanation blaming it on the contender. The reasoning is clear. Either China restrains itself and sticks to the rules — rules that have clearly benefitted Germany so far — or Germany will have to support the United States in containing Chinese aggression. The latter scenario might be costly, given that German companies are heavily invested in China and China is one of Germany’s major trading partners. However, China lacks allies, has a huge demographic problem, is still trailing the United States in many areas, and is consequently not likely to win in a confrontation in the near future. It makes sense for a realist middle power to set itself up as Germany has.

Germany is doing the United States a favor that is far larger than what one frigate could symbolize. By getting involved in the region and siding with the United States, Germany has allowed U.S. threats to economically contain China to become real. Prior to Germany’s release of its strategy document, such threats were not credible, as Lisa Picheny and I have argued previously. In the past, Europeans and Germans specifically have acted contrary to American interests vis-à-vis China when they stood to benefit. Now, with a military presence in the region, ignoring Chinese aggression while profiting economically just became harder. Moreover, Germany is not only sending a frigate to the Indo-Pacific. It is sending the might of its economy to aid the United States in containing China.

Recent proposed changes to the German frigate’s planned itinerary may cast some doubts on the German Indo-Pacific strategy. The German government is apparently contemplating cancelling a joint exercise with a European naval group that will be in the Indo-Pacific at the same time. Moreover, a goodwill port visit to Shanghai is being discussed. In light of the upcoming elections that will determine Angela Merkel’s successor, and given the still-important Wilsonian sentiment among the German public, these proposed changes could be an indication that some politicians think it wise to dial down on their newfound realism. But even if they occur, such minor changes to the frigate’s deployment cannot change the deep realist foundations engrained in the German Indo-Pacific guidelines. Neither can it change the forces that have made Germany acknowledge the anarchic reality of international relations.

Conclusion

How does the German Indo-Pacific strategy tie in with the larger European picture? All three E.U. member countries that have published official documents on the Indo-Pacific — France, Germany, and the Netherlands — share similar interests in the region. France, seeing itself as a resident power in the region, has probably the most ambitious outlook. All three, however, favor the current rules-based, (i.e., U.S.-led) system, which makes them natural U.S. allies despite their aversion to a bipolar order. Joining their forces in a single E.U. strategy makes sense under these conditions. However, it remains to be seen whether that will come to fruition. Until then, these three E.U. countries will cooperatively, yet separately, pursue their interests.

Some argue that this deployment was planned only to placate the United States in the debate over defense spending, but such opinions are myopic. China is competing for regional, and potentially world, dominance with the great power that has guaranteed German prosperity since 1949. Given not only the increasingly realist rhetoric but also various actions such as the publication of the Indo-Pacific guidelines, it seems there is a newfound awareness of the anarchic nature of international relations in the German government. Others are afraid that Germany is unnecessarily provoking China. Given China’s clear and undeniable ambitions, a conflict between China and America is bound to take place in one form or another. It is certainly better to position Germany in relation to this conflict now, while there is still time to shape the form of that conflict into something more beneficial to Germany.

Given Germany’s long tradition of pacifist restraint and Wilsonian moralism, it is remarkable how fast the shift to a more realistic world view is happening. The shift is not yet complete: The guidelines still contain much that is Wilsonian. However, considering that only a few years ago such a document would have been political suicide, its very existence is remarkable. What is more, it positions Germany well in the great-power confrontation to come. If there is one thing to learn from the new policy guidelines, it is that there is no longer a pacific Germany but there is a Pacific Germany.

Dominik Wullers is a former army officer of the Bundeswehr. Currently, he serves as a civilian administrator in the Bundeswehr’s defense acquisition division. He holds a Ph.D. in economics from Helmut-Schmidt-University and a M.P.A. from Harvard Kennedy School.
 

jward

passin' thru
Indo-Pacific News - Watching the CCP-China Threat
@IndoPac_Info

2h

1/ #China’s irate response to Scott Morrison and Jacinda Ardern’s joint presser Scott Morrison and Jacinda Ardern appeared to stand together on issues about China yesterday, and #Beijing does not like it one bit.2/ China has blasted a joint statement made by Scott Morrison and Jacinda Ardern about Beijing’s crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong and its incarceration of Muslims in Xinjiang.

2/ China has blasted a joint statement made by Scott Morrison and Jacinda Ardern about Beijing’s crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong and its incarceration of Muslims in Xinjiang.

3/ “The leaders of Australia & New Zealand, with irresponsible remarks on China’s internal affairs relating to Hong Kong & Xinjiang as well as the South China Sea issue, have made groundless accusations against China, grossly interfered in China’s internal affairs,” Mr Wang said.
View: https://twitter.com/IndoPac_Info/status/1399655715904446464?s=20
 

northern watch

TB Fanatic
Malaysia says 16 Chinese jets threatened its sovereignty
Malaysia’s air force says 16 Chinese military jets flew in a tactical formation over the South China Sea and nearly infringed on the country’s airspace

By The Associated Press
1 June 2021, 06:58


This handout photo from the Royal Malaysian Air Force taken on May 31, 2021 and released on June 1, 2021 shows a Chinese People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) Ilyushin Il-76 aircraft that Malaysian authorities said was in the airspace over Malay

Image Icon
The Associated Press
This handout photo from the Royal Malaysian Air Force taken on May 31, 2021 and released on June 1, 2021 shows a Chinese People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) Ilyushin Il-76 aircraft that Malaysian authorities said was in the airspace over Malaysia's maritime zone near the coast of Sarawak state on Borneo island. (Royal Malaysian Air Force via AP)

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia -- Malaysia's air force said Tuesday that 16 Chinese military jets flew in a tactical formation over the South China Sea and nearly infringed on the country's airspace, calling it a threat to Malaysia's sovereignty.

The air force said its radar picked up the jets flying in an “in-trail” formation near Malaysian airspace in eastern Sarawak state on Borneo on Monday.

It said the jets then headed near Malaysian-administered Luconia Shoals, a rich fishing ground in the disputed South China Sea before moving nearly 60 nautical miles (110 kilometers) off the coast of Sarawak. After attempts to engage the jets failed, the air force said it sent planes to identify them.

It found the planes were Ilyushin il-76 and Xian Y-20 strategic transporters flying at altitudes between 23,000 and 27,000 feet.

The air force said it reported the flights to the Foreign Ministry.

“This incident is a serious threat to national sovereignty and flight safety due to the air traffic density over the airways,” it said in a statement.

Foreign Ministry and Chinese Embassy officials couldn't be reached immediately for comment.

China claims almost the entire South China Sea. Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam also have overlapping claims. Tensions have ramped up since China began a massive land reclamation program in 2013.

The strategically important area has some of the world’s busiest sea lanes and is also rich in fisheries and may hold underground oil and natural gas reserves.

Malaysia says Chinese coast guard and navy ships intruded into its waters in the South China Sea 89 times between 2016 and 2019. Malaysia has sent six diplomatic protests to China, including one in 2017 in response to a Chinese note asserting its claim to the South Luconia Shoals.

Malaysia says 16 Chinese jets threatened its sovereignty - ABC News (go.com)
 

northern watch

TB Fanatic
China Reveals "God Of War" Stealth Bomber

BY TYLER DURDEN
ZERO HEDGE
FRIDAY, MAY 28, 2021 - 11:20 PM

It's been common knowledge the US-China relationship could be described as one that is in a "Cold War." The great power competition between the two, as China (the rising power) and the US (the status quo), are engaged in a titanic power struggle.

The battleground for global supremacy will come down to economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power, which China is quickly gaining on the US.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's rapid military modernization effort has beefed up its force with advanced technology, such as fifth-generation fighter jets, drones, and hypersonic weapons. Last October, he said China would never allow its sovereignty, security, and interests to be undermined.

The latest sign China continues to advance at full speed is the revelation of a new 5000-mile range stealth bomber capable of striking US military assets in the Pacific.

The latest edition of Chinese Modern Weaponry magazine revealed new computer-generated images of the country's next-generation Xian H-20 strategic bomber.



The futuristic stealth bomber was first revealed in 2018 and has a flying wing design similar to the Northrop Grumman B-2 Spirit built in the late 1990s. The main feature of the H-20 is the intercontinental range and the ability to carry nuclear weapons to strike Guam and other key military bases in the Pacific.

Modern Weaponry describes the aircraft as "the god of war in the sky." Though in development for several years, actual images of the bomber have yet to be leaked into the press.

Jon Grevatt, an Asia-Pacific defense analyst at security intelligence firm Janes, told South China Morning Post that when "the aircraft becomes operational, it has the potential to be a game-changer."
"That means that the advantage of that plane is that it could attack like a strategic bomber does, hitting targets at a great distance, perhaps in the second island chain and beyond," Grevatt said. The second island chain poses a threat to US interests in Asia-Pacific.
If and whenever the H-20 is deployed, it would likely have air-launch hypersonic weapons that would extend the strike range of the aircraft - one that would frighten Washington. China has dubbed one of its hypersonic missiles the "Guam killer."

In 2018, China gave everyone a sneak peek of the H-20 at the end of this clip.

This Cold War could be a zero-sum game, and China wants it all.

China Reveals "God Of War" Stealth Bomber | ZeroHedge
 

jward

passin' thru
China State Media Says Country Must Prepare for Nuclear War With U.S. After Biden Asks for COVID Probe
Jenni Fink

4 minutes



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China Military’s Taiwan Invasion Force Conducts Amphibious Beach Assault Drills

Hu Xijin, the editor of the Chinese state-run newspaper the Global Times, considers enhancing China's nuclear program as being vital to the country's "strategic deterrence" against the United States.
Protests in Hong Kong, Taiwan, the COVID-19 pandemic and accusations China's engaged in a genocide against the Uighur Muslims are sowing deeper divisions in an already strained relationship between China and the United States. With Beijing one of America's top concerns, President Joe Biden has sought to strike a stern tone, while China sees much of America's actions and comments to be an encroachment on its sovereignty.
The increasingly confrontational rhetoric and military maneuvers coming out of the two countries have raised concerns about a potential war.

"We must be prepared for an intense showdown between China and the U.S.," Hu wrote in a Thursday op-ed for the Global Times. "The number of China's nuclear warheads must reach the quantity that makes U.S. elites shiver should they entertain the idea of engaging in a military confrontation with China."
Hu advocated for "rapidly" increasing the number of commissioned nuclear warheads, DF-41s, an intercontinental ballistic missile, and strategic missiles that have "long-range" capabilities.
The editor posted the same comments on Weibo, a Chinese social media platform.
chna nuclear war united states state media

The editor of the Global Times, a state run newspaper, urged China to build up its nuclear arsenal in preparation for an "intense showdown" with the United States. Soldiers from China's People's Liberation Army march on Red Square during a military parade, which marks the 75th anniversary of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in World War Two, in Moscow on June 24, 2020. Pavel Golovkin/Pool/AFP/Getty Images

China and the United States have been sparring over a range of issues, including the COVID-19 pandemic. Hu's op-ed came one day after Biden announced he instructed the Intelligence Community to "double down" on their efforts to identify the COVID-19 origin, including coming up with a list of questions that China has to answer.
The Intelligence Community hasn't ruled out the possibility that COVID-19 originated in a laboratory, a notion that China vehemently dismissed as being politically motivated and anti-science. Officials have also attempted to shift blame to the United States' Fort Detrick, citing no evidence, and accused Biden of "stoking confrontation and sowing division" with the Intelligence investigation.

Before Biden drew China's ire for his push for an investigation into the origin of the coronavirus, tensions mounted over an American warship sailing through the Taiwan Strait. The American military maintained that the ship's transit was in line with international order and demonstrated the United States' commitment to a "free and open Indo-Pacific." China, however, saw it as a threat to its control over Taiwan and accused the U.S. of "endangering peace and stability" in the region.
In his op-ed, Hu wrote that building up China's nuclear arsenal is important because America's "strategic containment" of China is becoming "increasingly intensified.

Having that military buildup is a "cornerstone of China's strategic deterrence against the U.S.," according to Hu.
 

Pinecone

Has No Life - Lives on TB
The crazy is ramping up to apocalyptical levels. Some days I'm leery of getting out of bed to see what monster is peeking out of the closet.
 

northern watch

TB Fanatic
China urges closer Afghanistan ties as US withdrawal looms
China is urging closer security and economic cooperation with Afghanistan in an apparent effort to bolster its influence in the region as the U.S. and its allies prepare to withdraw their forces from the country

By The Associated Press
4 June 2021, 02:44

WireAP_67fb4c256f2e44faaefd666119b9205e_16x9_992.jpg


BEIJING -- China is urging closer security and economic cooperation with Afghanistan in an apparent effort to bolster its influence in the region as the U.S. and its allies prepare to withdraw their forces from the country.

The official Xinhua News Agency reported that foreign ministers from China, Afghanistan and Pakistan met via video conference on Thursday and agreed that the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan should be carried out in a responsible and orderly manner to prevent the deterioration of the security situation in Afghanistan and the return of "terrorist forces.”

It quoted Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi as saying the three countries “needed to to strengthen communication and cooperation” for the sake of Afghanistan’s interests and those of neighboring countries.

“The security and stability of Afghanistan and the region are facing new challenges, with foreign troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan accelerated, the peace and reconciliation process in Afghanistan impacted, and armed conflicts and terrorist activities becoming more frequent," Wang was quoted as saying.

China has long resented the presence of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan, but is equally wary of the country becoming a haven for insurgents that could threaten security in its Xinjiang region that shares a narrow border with Afghanistan.

Xinhua said Wang, Afghan Foreign Minister Mohammad Haneef Atmar and Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi “stressed the need to ... forbid any terrorist organizations or individuals from using their territories to engage in criminal activities against other countries."

China has sought to invest in Afghan resources, particularly copper, but constant fighting between the government, the Taliban and other groups has largely held back such projects. China has also sought to boost already close ties with Pakistan through its Belt and Road initiative, but the country's economic weakness and security problems have blunted the success of that drive.

The United States is preparing to wrap up its longest war by withdrawing the last of its 2,500-3,500 troops along with 7,000 allied NATO forces by Sept. 11 at the latest, generating fears of increased chaos in a country already deeply insecure.

China urges closer Afghanistan ties as US withdrawal looms - ABC News (go.com)
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
China urges closer Afghanistan ties as US withdrawal looms
China is urging closer security and economic cooperation with Afghanistan in an apparent effort to bolster its influence in the region as the U.S. and its allies prepare to withdraw their forces from the country

By The Associated Press
4 June 2021, 02:44

WireAP_67fb4c256f2e44faaefd666119b9205e_16x9_992.jpg


BEIJING -- China is urging closer security and economic cooperation with Afghanistan in an apparent effort to bolster its influence in the region as the U.S. and its allies prepare to withdraw their forces from the country.

The official Xinhua News Agency reported that foreign ministers from China, Afghanistan and Pakistan met via video conference on Thursday and agreed that the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan should be carried out in a responsible and orderly manner to prevent the deterioration of the security situation in Afghanistan and the return of "terrorist forces.”

It quoted Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi as saying the three countries “needed to to strengthen communication and cooperation” for the sake of Afghanistan’s interests and those of neighboring countries.

“The security and stability of Afghanistan and the region are facing new challenges, with foreign troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan accelerated, the peace and reconciliation process in Afghanistan impacted, and armed conflicts and terrorist activities becoming more frequent," Wang was quoted as saying.

China has long resented the presence of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan, but is equally wary of the country becoming a haven for insurgents that could threaten security in its Xinjiang region that shares a narrow border with Afghanistan.

Xinhua said Wang, Afghan Foreign Minister Mohammad Haneef Atmar and Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi “stressed the need to ... forbid any terrorist organizations or individuals from using their territories to engage in criminal activities against other countries."

China has sought to invest in Afghan resources, particularly copper, but constant fighting between the government, the Taliban and other groups has largely held back such projects. China has also sought to boost already close ties with Pakistan through its Belt and Road initiative, but the country's economic weakness and security problems have blunted the success of that drive.

The United States is preparing to wrap up its longest war by withdrawing the last of its 2,500-3,500 troops along with 7,000 allied NATO forces by Sept. 11 at the latest, generating fears of increased chaos in a country already deeply insecure.

China urges closer Afghanistan ties as US withdrawal looms - ABC News (go.com)

So who didn't see this coming?......
 

jward

passin' thru

Taepodong
@stoa1984


A closer shot of the Kaohsiung testing ship shows Bee Eye AESA radar, TC-2N and Sea Oryx missiles and suspected VLS cells. Nice to see Taiwan domestic programmes are moving forward, albeit slowly.
1623123612254.png
 

jward

passin' thru
Lockdown over at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam after possible bomb threat on ship




UPDATE 1:35 p.m.
All gates are open at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, and a shelter-in-place order “has been lifted for most areas,” the base said.
The base could not specify if the all-clear was given for the Dry Dock 4 area, or the exact nature of the threat that led to the lengthy lockdown.
1:20 p.m.

Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam is no longer on lockdown, authorities say.
This breaking news story will be updated as more details become available.

PREVIOUS COVERAGE
Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam was on lockdown as of 10:30 a.m. today due to the possibility of a bomb threat on a ship. No details of the threat were immediately available from the joint base.
Just after 11 a.m. the base sent a release saying, “There has been a potential security incident aboard Joint Base Pearl Harbor. All hands are directed to shelter in place north of South Avenue and west of North Avenue.
“At this time all gates to the installation have been secured. All vehicles should limit their travel on the roadways, and yield to responding emergency vehicles. All tour operations to the USS Arizona Memorial have been suspended for now.
“The investigation is ongoing, and additional information will be passed as it is made available.”
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Ironically, the joint base warned of the sound of gunfire due to training on an annual exercise called “Citadel Protect” that started Monday and provides anti-terrorism and “force protection” training for Pearl Harbor-based sailors.


The current lockdown is due to an actual threat and is not related to the training.


“Beginning TODAY, Tuesday, June 8, the training will involve the use of blank rounds fired from Crew Served Weapons such as M240s (belt-fed machine guns) in the vicinity of the harbor. Base personnel, residents and those who live near the installation should not be alarmed by the sounds of gunfire, other popping noises and activations of the base-wide Giant Voice System,” the joint base said on Facebook.


In a news release about Citadel Protect, the joint base said: “Residents and personnel who live and work on (the joint base) may see increased traffic and delays in base access. The exercise involves various training scenarios that replicate real-world events, and is designed to enhance the readiness of Navy security forces to respond to threats to installations and units. Citadel Protect is a regularly scheduled exercise and is not in response to any specific threat.”


Because of the planned exercise, confusion resulted as to the source of the lockdown, with some saying the very real security measures are due to a bomb threat. The base did not confirm the information.

 

Mark D

Now running for Emperor.

Maryh

Veteran Member
Kind of interesting at JB Pearl Harbor Hickham. Daughter is a contractor now and was at the gate this week and noticed they were stopping and checking id's of the people leaving. She said it was very unusual. Later she said that someone drove in without stopping. I was amazed the guards didn't go after them. I can't believe they thought they could find them on the way out. If they intended to do damage, it would have been too late! The above article made me think about this incident this past week.
 

jward

passin' thru
Indo-Pacific: The front line of US and China next-gen submarines
Staff Writer

10-12 minutes


NEW YORK -- Life on a nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine, or SSBN, can be dreary.
"There's no Wi-Fi, no TV, no radio or anything like that. When I first joined, everybody got very excited when the Navy's movie service sent you a new box of videotapes or DVDs," former submariner Tom Shugart, who served on three vessels, including as commander of the nuclear-powered fast-attack sub USS Olympia, told Nikkei Asia.
But besides the inherent challenges from the isolation of conducting missions underwater, there is another aspect to many submarine operations: secrecy.

Unlike a fast-attack submarine carrying conventional weapons, the U.S. Navy's Ohio-class SSBNs cannot make foreign port calls easily due to the 20 Trident D-5 ballistic missiles they carry. "Boomers," as SSBNs are called in the Navy, have one mission: to hide in the world's deepest oceans waiting for an order to launch a nuclear strike.
For the six decades since the world's first operational SSBN took to the high sea, that order has never come.
Meanwhile the world's major powers are quietly building their undersea deterrence capabilities. In the Indo-Pacific, the U.S., China, Russia and India operate SSBNs, while Pakistan and North Korea also are exploring submarine-launched nuclear firepower, albeit on diesel-electric subs.
Chief Information Systems Technician Jessica Cooper, assigned to the Gold crew of the Ohio-class guided-missile submarine USS Ohio (SSGN 726), watches over the control room in the Pacific Ocean. The Ohio is one of the four SSBNs that were later converted to cruise-missile submarines. (Photo courtesy of the U.S. Navy)

The $15 Billion Boomer
The Pentagon, in its recently released 2022 budget request, allocated $5 billion for procurement of the Columbia-class SSBN, which is to replace the Ohio class in 2031. Many in the defense community criticized the overall budget request as not growing enough to meet the great power competition with China, but the Columbia program stood out as one of the few items that went unscathed.
American naval officials have stated for the past several years that the Columbia-class sub is the Navy's top priority program.

"This means, among other things, that from the Navy's perspective, the Columbia-class program will be funded, even if that comes at the expense of funding for other Navy programs," a Congressional Research Service report on the Columbia program noted, adding the italics for emphasis.
The aging 14 Ohio-class SSBNs are to be replaced with 12 Columbia-class vessels. Unlike the Ohio class, which all need to undergo a lengthy midlife upgrade for nuclear refueling -- like getting a fresh tank of gas -- the Columbia class is designed to have one reactor core for its entire life and never needs to be refueled. That configuration lets the Navy operate 10 SSBNs at all times, meeting the requirement from the combatant commander of U.S. Strategic Command, the section of the U.S. military in charge of nuclear weapons.

But keeping 10 nuclear subs at sea is expensive and cost estimates keep growing. The procurement cost for the 12-boat program totals $109 billion, as of the May 12 CRS report. On Monday, USNI News reported that the estimated price of the lead boat of the Columbia class grew by $637 million over the last year to $15.03 billion.
"Nuclear deterrence is what underpins the rest of the conventional deterrence," said Shugart, now an adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security. "If you don't have a reliable, survivable nuclear deterrent, then all the rest of what you're doing may not matter. That makes the program the No. 1 priority."

The three components of American nuclear strategy are the land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, the air-based strategic bombers and the submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Of the three, the sea-based SSBN is considered the most survivable because the vessels are virtually undetectable once in a deep ocean.
If China's submarine-launched ballistic missiles are able to fly longer distances, the South China Sea could become a bastion from where Chinese SSBNs target the U.S., analysts say. (Google Earth)

Other Sharks in the Sea
But the U.S. is not the only power honing its undersea deterrence.
In a February 2020 study by the National Security College at the Australian National University titled, "The Future of the Undersea Deterrent: A Global Survey," scholars from around the world analyzed the SSBN plans of China, Russia, India, France and the U.K., as well as the diesel-electric ambitions of Pakistan and North Korea.
Rory Medcalf, head of the National Security College, wrote that one credible explanation for Beijing's campaign of building and militarizing islands in the South China Sea is its wish to make that area a bastion where the country's SSBN fleet can operate in relative safety from detection or attack by U.S. and allied forces.

China is thought to possess six Jin-class SSBNs (Type 094), of which the latest, the Long March 18, was delivered in April. The submarine carries 12 JL-2 ballistic missiles with an estimated range of 7,200 km. That range could let Jin-class subs attack targets in Alaska from protected bastions near China, targets in Hawaii from locations south of Japan and even targets in the western U.S. mainland from mid-ocean locations west of Hawaii, the CRS estimates.
But to hit Washington, Chinese submarines would have to travel east of Hawaii, navigating hostile waters.
China's biggest obstacle to SSBN operations is its geography, surrounded by shallow waters and having to pass choke points before entering the deep waters of the Pacific.
"Whereas the SSBNs of the United States, France, Britain, India and Pakistan have direct access to the world's ocean basins, those of China do not," Stephan Fruehling, associate dean of the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, wrote in the university's report.

Shugart agrees. "China's military advancement has eroded the U.S. advantage in so many areas. But one area that the U.S. still has a significant advantage is in undersea warfare," the ex-submariner said.
Yet if future Chinese missiles have a longer range, then Beijing potentially could keep its SSBNs in the South China Sea and still target the U.S. The distance from its fortified base at Hainan to San Francisco is around 11,600 km, while it would be 13,500 km to Washington.
"Over a time span of several decades, it seems likely that the Chinese could produce a sea-based missile with sufficient range to reach anywhere in the United States from the South China Sea," American naval analyst Norman Friedman wrote in the report.

An Indian submarine is seen at sea. The country is the first country outside the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to operate a SSBN. (Photo courtesy of the Indian Navy)
New Delhi commissioned its maiden SSBN, the INS Arihant, in 2016, making India the first country outside the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to build such a vessel. Its second SSBN, an upgraded INS Arighat, is to be commissioned later this year.

The older Arihant carries 12 short-range K-15 ballistic missiles with a range of 700 to 1,000 km, but could be modified to launch four K-4 ballistic missiles that can travel 3,000 to 3,500 km. Either way, the Arihant's current area of operations appears limited to the Bay of Bengal, from where it could target Pakistan or China if ordered.
But down the road, "Like the United States, India has geographic advantages for SSBNs to go on open ocean patrol, once they field long-range" submarine-launched ballistic missiles, retired Rear Adm. Sudarshan Shrikhande, the former head of Indian Naval Intelligence, wrote in the same report.
"We need to move beyond bastions where an enemy's offensive [anti-submarine warfare] is effective," he added.
Pakistan's sea-launched cruise missile capability, meanwhile, remains "far from operational," according to Sadia Tasleem, a lecturer at Islamabad's Quaid-i-Azam University.

"Most defense analysts claim that Pakistan will likely use the three Agosta-90B diesel-electric submarines purchased from France in 1999, 2003 and 2006," she wrote.
The breakthrough for Pakistan will likely come through the assistance of China. China has agreed to provide eight modified Type 093 and Type 041 Yuan-class diesel-electric submarines to Pakistan, with the first batch comprising four submarines arriving in 2023 and the last four to be assembled in Karachi by 2028.
"The addition of these Chinese submarines will tremendously boost Pakistan's ability to defend its coastal areas as well as sea lines of communication," Tasleem wrote in the report.

An unmanned aerial vehicle delivers a payload to the Ohio-class ballistic-missile submarine USS Henry M. Jackson (SSBN 730) near the Hawaiian Islands. (Photo courtesy of the U.S. Navy)

All Drones on Deck
For years, SSBNs have engaged in games of hide-and-seek with the latest anti-submarine warfare capabilities. Much has been made of technological advancements that could make oceans more transparent, thus eroding the survivability of SSBNs. These include swarms of underwater drones capable of big data analysis and new sensing technologies.
"CubeSats now provide high-resolution imagery on a daily basis of the entire planet -- this type of imagery, combined with appropriate search algorithms, might reveal SSBN operational signatures that have so far remained unobserved," wrote James Wirtz, dean of the School of International Graduate Studies at the Naval Postgraduate School in California.

But the ocean is vast. Retired U.K. Rear Adm. John Gower calculated that covering just the open-ocean segments of the North Atlantic and Norwegian Sea could require nearly 4 million unmanned underwater vehicles.
"That would pose a currently unimaginable command, control and communications challenge for these UUVs," he wrote.
But till the robots take over, SSBNs likely will continue to prowl the world's cold ocean depths undetected.

Posted for fair use
 

jward

passin' thru

Pinecone

Has No Life - Lives on TB
Hmm. 3-5 years eh. Norks more honest than our dot.govs, an admittedly low bar o course.

NK NEWS
@nknewsorg

47s

North Korea is warning its people to be skeptical of COVID-19 vaccines and to brace for pandemic lockdowns that could last indefinitely. "We can surely win even if the war on COVID-19 lasts three or five years," state media said on May 4.
View: https://twitter.com/nknewsorg/status/1403094698777055237?s=20
I wonder which 92 countries will be receiving the "free" vaccines that the US purchased and Biden just gave away.
 

northern watch

TB Fanatic
China denounces US-Australian navy drills as muscle flexing
China says the U.S. and Australia were flexing their muscles with recent naval drills in the South China Sea, underscoring Beijing’s sensitivity over the strategic waterway it claims as its own
By The Associated Press
11 June 2021, 04:24


In this photo released by the U.S. Navy, the U.S. Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Curtis Wilbur (DDG 54) conducts routine operations in the Taiwan Strait, May 18, 2021. China on Thursday, May 20, 2021, issued its second protest in as

Image Icon
The Associated Press
In this photo released by the U.S. Navy, the U.S. Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Curtis Wilbur (DDG 54) conducts routine operations in the Taiwan Strait, May 18, 2021. China on Thursday, May 20, 2021, issued its second protest in as many days over United States naval activity in the region, drawing an unusually sharp response from the U.S. 7th Fleet, which accused Beijing of attempting to assert illegitimate maritime rights at the expense of its neighbors. (Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Zenaida Roth, U.S. Navy via AP)

BEIJING -- China on Friday said the U.S. and Australia were "flexing their muscles” with recent naval drills in the South China Sea, underscoring Beijing’s sensitivity over the strategic waterway it claims as its own.

The U.S. Navy's 7th Fleet said the guided-missile destroyer USS Curtis Wilbur and the Royal Australian Navy frigate HMAS Ballarat concluded a week of joint operations in the South China Sea. Those included maneuvering drills along with resupplying vessels, cross-deck helicopter operations and live-fire gunnery exercises
.

“The ships honed their advanced mariner skills in a joint environment while enforcing the normalcy of routine operations throughout the region in accordance with international law," the Navy said.

At a daily briefing in Beijing, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin said the two countries should “do things that are conducive to regional peace and stability, instead of flexing their muscles.”

The U.S. and China's neighbors have rejected Beijing's claim to virtually the entire South China Sea, through which an estimated $5 trillion in trade travels each year.

Australia has joined them in expressing concern over China's growing presence in the South China Sea, most notably through its construction of militarized man-made islands built atop coral reefs in the highly disputed Spratly island group. Taiwan, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia and Vietnam have claims that overlap with China's.

China for its part calls the U.S. naval presence in Southeast Asia the biggest threat to regional security, particularly its insistence on sailing close to Chinese-held territories in what is termed freedom of navigation operations.

In a bid to assuage concerns, Beijing hosted foreign ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations this week, with Foreign Minister Wang Yi telling them China remained committed to signing a long-stalled code of conduct on activities in the South China Sea to prevent conflicts.

China denounces US-Australian navy drills as muscle flexing - ABC News (go.com)
 

Craftypatches

Veteran Member
A weak President means enemies knocking at our doors and our allies! How sad that thanks to this, our world is falling apart! I guess it’s meant to be!
 

jward

passin' thru
China’s contradictory goals on the Korean Peninsula | NK News
View more articles by Anthony V. Rinna

6-8 minutes


Beijing’s continued sponsorship of North Korea makes it hard to pull South Korea into its orbit
Less than a week after the summit between Joe Biden and Moon Jae-in in Washington, D.C., Pyongyang’s new ambassador to Beijing, Ri Ryong Nam, met with Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing.
Such a high-level meeting between Chinese and North Korean officials certainly indicates an additional step in the direction of China and North Korea revitalizing their relationship, coming shortly on the heels of the appointment of senior Chinese Communist Party (CCP) official Wang Yajun as Beijing’s new ambassador in Pyongyang.

Given the timing of the meeting between Ri Ryong Nam and Wang Yi, observers have interpreted it as China playing the so-called North Korea card in its strategic competition with the United States. But the absence of any high-level condemnatory remarks from Pyongyang about the May summit, along with North Korea’s COVID-19 pandemic restrictions and related nosedives in cross-border trade, strongly suggest that the meeting was more routine than anything.
From Beijing’s end of the equation, it’s not so clear. Whether the meeting was geared more toward bilateral diplomacy or great power competition with Washington depends in large part on which particular aspect of Beijing’s policies toward North Korea is currently at the forefront of Chinese policymakers’ minds.
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North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and Chinese President Xi Jinping meet in China in June 2018 | Photo: KCNA

THE SAME, BUT DIFFERENT
In U.S. foreign policy, the rise of China and Korean security issues technically comprise two distinct concerns. But there is necessarily overlap between the two, given geographic proximity and the sponsor-like relationship China has had with North Korea. There isn’t this bifurcation in Beijing, which has long recognized the double-edged nature of its policy imperatives of pushing for Korean denuclearization while supporting the DPRK as a buffer state between itself and U.S. ally South Korea.

Over the past decade, Beijing’s emphasis on denuclearization versus support for North Korea as a geopolitical asset has been in a sort of flux. Recent trends — ranging from official public displays of Sino-North Korean friendship to the possibility that Beijing and Pyongyang could renew their friendship treaty as they have done every 20 years since 1961 — indicate a renewed sense of the DPRK’s strategic importance for Beijing in spite of the latter’s impatience with North Korean missile launches and other provocations.
China’s position toward the Korean security crisis has traditionally been based on the principles of preserving peripheral stability on the China-DPRK border, Korean denuclearization and the use of dialogue and diplomacy to achieve disarmament. Understanding its geopolitical value, North Korea has continued to bet that it will remain a strategic asset for China, carving out space for it to behave in ways Beijing would prefer it did not.

Between 2017 and 2018, China-DPRK relations fluctuated to an even greater extent. In response to severe tensions between the U.S. and North Korea — due partly to U.S. President Donald Trump’s cavalier attitude toward Pyongyang but mostly the provocative nuclear and long-range missiles tests by North Korean leader Kim Jong Un — China supported harsher sanctions on North Korea.
Factors shaping Beijing’s frustration with and subsequent distancing from Pyongyang centered on the liability that the DPRK poses. Not only did the DPRK’s recklessness undermine Beijing’s professed policies aimed at fostering prosperity across the Asia-Pacific, but North Korea’s flagrant security provocations against Chinese exhortations proved to be an embarrassment to Beijing.

But geopolitical imperatives, namely the need to maintain influence on the Korean Peninsula so as to offset U.S. power in Northeast Asia, forced a course correction by Beijing. From 2018, fearing that the DPRK was drifting out of its orbit amid several summits with the U.S. and South Korea, China attempted to reconcile with the North, a move that Pyongyang, needing as much diplomatic support as possible while it worked on a deal with the Americans, welcomed very much.
Xi-Jinping-Moon-Jae-in-summit-191223-935x500.jpeg
South Korean President Moon Jae-in holds summit talks with his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping in Dec. 2019 | Image: Moon Jae-in/Twitter

BACK TO NORMAL?
To be sure, Beijing’s overt support for Pyongyang as a strategic asset would appear to contradict China’s efforts to drive a wedge between South Korea and the United States, which constitutes a key aspect of its current Korea strategy. By bolstering ties with the DPRK, China risks undermining any hopes it has of bringing the ROK deeper into its orbit.
The South Korean government has for its part made itself available for such a pull, as Seoul sees amicable relations with Beijing as a requisite for peacefully resolving various Korean security issues.

South Korean President Moon Jae-in faces a quandary, however, in balancing conciliatory policies toward Beijing against China’s overt sponsorship of the North Korean state. This is particularly true not only given the ambivalence in certain quarters of China’s foreign policy elite toward a united Korean Peninsula led by Seoul, but because of the manner in which North Korea factors into China’s standoff with South Korea’s most important ally, the United States.
Still, given the sense in Beijing that the outcome of the U.S.-South Korea summit last month was not a net-positive for China, it’s hard to fully downplay the significance of China and North Korea’s recent reaffirmation of their relationship in light of Beijing’s strategic competition with Washington.

The question of whether the main driver of the China-DPRK relationship from Beijing’s end will be strategic competition with the U.S. or the pursuit of denuclearization depends on the cost-benefit ratio for China with regard to how tolerant it will be of the potential risk for further North Korean provocations.
If Pyongyang refrains from any serious nuclear or weapons tests during the Biden administration, China may well attempt to use its influence in the DPRK to its advantage in order to undermine U.S. influence in Northeast Asia. Any significant North Korean security provocation, however, could spoil these plans.
Edited by Arius Derr
 

155 arty

Veteran Member
China Reveals "God Of War" Stealth Bomber

BY TYLER DURDEN
ZERO HEDGE
FRIDAY, MAY 28, 2021 - 11:20 PM

It's been common knowledge the US-China relationship could be described as one that is in a "Cold War." The great power competition between the two, as China (the rising power) and the US (the status quo), are engaged in a titanic power struggle.

The battleground for global supremacy will come down to economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power, which China is quickly gaining on the US.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's rapid military modernization effort has beefed up its force with advanced technology, such as fifth-generation fighter jets, drones, and hypersonic weapons. Last October, he said China would never allow its sovereignty, security, and interests to be undermined.

The latest sign China continues to advance at full speed is the revelation of a new 5000-mile range stealth bomber capable of striking US military assets in the Pacific.

The latest edition of Chinese Modern Weaponry magazine revealed new computer-generated images of the country's next-generation Xian H-20 strategic bomber.



The futuristic stealth bomber was first revealed in 2018 and has a flying wing design similar to the Northrop Grumman B-2 Spirit built in the late 1990s. The main feature of the H-20 is the intercontinental range and the ability to carry nuclear weapons to strike Guam and other key military bases in the Pacific.

Modern Weaponry describes the aircraft as "the god of war in the sky." Though in development for several years, actual images of the bomber have yet to be leaked into the press.

Jon Grevatt, an Asia-Pacific defense analyst at security intelligence firm Janes, told South China Morning Post that when "the aircraft becomes operational, it has the potential to be a game-changer."

If and whenever the H-20 is deployed, it would likely have air-launch hypersonic weapons that would extend the strike range of the aircraft - one that would frighten Washington. China has dubbed one of its hypersonic missiles the "Guam killer."

In 2018, China gave everyone a sneak peek of the H-20 at the end of this clip.

This Cold War could be a zero-sum game, and China wants it all.

China Reveals "God Of War" Stealth Bomber | ZeroHedge
Probably got the design from bill or hill
 

jward

passin' thru
theepochtimes.com

Top US General Warns: China Increasing Military at 'Serious and Sustained Rate'
By Jack Phillips

4-5 minutes



The top U.S. general warned Thursday that the Chinese regime is increasing its military capacity at a “very serious and sustained rate” and said it could pose a threat to worldwide stability and peace.
Army General Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said that it’s necessary the United States “retain our competitive and technological edge” over the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which comes after President Joe Biden and Pentagon chief Lloyd Austin raised similar concerns in recent days about the rhetoric coming from the CCP—as the United States and China have remained intransigent over Taiwan, the CCP’s human rights violations, and disputes over territory.
Austin told senators on Thursday that Biden’s defense request of $715 billion is needed to meet the challenge posed by the “increasingly assertive” regime.

“The request is driven by our recognition that our competitors—especially China—continue to advance their capabilities,” Austin said during a hearing with the Senate Armed Services Committee. “We must out-pace those advances to remain a credible deterrent to conflict around the world.”

Milley also noted that the combined total defense spending by China and Russia is greater than that of the United States, although he did not say how he reached that conclusion during the hearing. But aside from that, China poses the “number one” military threat to the United States, he added.
Earlier this month, a bipartisan group of senators visited Taiwan and said the United States would provide 750,000 COVID-19 vaccine doses to the island nation. It prompted a series of bellicose statements from Chinese officials, including Wu Qian, a spokesperson for China’s Ministry of National Defense, who alleged the United States is “seriously undermining” stability in the region.

Wu then threatened that anyone—without providing names—who dared to “split Taiwan from China” would see a “resolute attack head-on” from the Chinese army. The CCP has long claimed that Taiwan belongs to it, while Taiwan has asserted that it is a sovereign, democratic nation. Because the regime believes Taiwan is part of its territory, it opposes any government or world body from establishing ties with the island nation.
China military planes
J15 fighter jets on China’s sole operational aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, during a drill at sea in April 2018. (China OUT/AFP via Getty Images)

Milley’s comment comes months after another top U.S. commander, Adm. Philip Davidson, head of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, warned the same Senate panel that China’s military is threatening U.S. dominance in the Pacific.
“The military balance in the Indo-Pacific is becoming more unfavorable for the United States and our allies,” Davidson said, adding: “Our deterrence posture in the Indo-Pacific must demonstrate the capability, the capacity, and the will to convince Beijing unequivocally the costs of achieving their objectives by the use of military force are simply too high.”

The CCP is also able to project more and more naval power in the Indian Ocean, as well as the Horn of Africa, said Gen. Stephen Townsend, head of the U.S. Africa Command, in mid-April.
“Their first overseas military base, their only one, is in Africa, and they have just expanded that by adding a significant pier that can even support their aircraft carriers in the future. Around the continent, they are looking for other basing opportunities,” Townsend told the House Armed Services Committee at the time.

The Senate on Tuesday passed a nearly $250 billion bill to invest in manufacturing and technology to out-compete with Beijing, which includes some $190 billion in spending. Much of that money will go to research and development at universities and other institutions.

 
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