WAR 12-03-2022-to-12-09-2022__****THE****WINDS****of****WAR****

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment

(272) 11-05-2022-to-11-11-2022__****THE****WINDS****of****WAR****

(273) 11-19-2022-to-11-25-2022__****THE****WINDS****of****WAR****

(274) (11-26-2022-to-12-02-2022__****THE****WINDS****of****WAR****


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Jward's post Saturday morning

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US-China defense race: World’s first sixth-generation aircraft B-21 nuclear bomber debuts​

China's H-20 'stealth bomber,' allegedly a rival to the US's 'Raider,' may also be rolled out soon.

Baba Tamim
Created: Dec 03, 2022 07:03 AM EST

Northrop Grumman Corp (NOC.N) and the U.S. Air Force have finally rolled out the world's first sixth-generation aircraft after over three decades, amid a tight arms race with China.

The B-21 "Raider," a long-range nuclear bomber, was unveiled on Friday, at the company's facility in Palmdale, California, according to a press release by the defense giant.

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"The Northrop Grumman team develops and delivers technology that advances science, looks into the future, and brings it to the here and now," said Kathy Warden, CEO and president of NOC.N.

"The B-21 Raider defines a new era in technology and strengthens America's role of delivering peace through deterrence."
US-China defense race: World’s first sixth-generation aircraft B-21 nuclear bomber debuts

B-21 Raider unveiled.
Northrop Grumman
The bomber, delivered to the U.S. Air Force, now forms a member of the "strategic triad as a visible and flexible deterrent, supporting national security objectives," as per the company.

"The B-21 Raider is a testament to America's enduring advantages in ingenuity and innovation," said Lloyd J. Austin III, U.S. Secretary of Defense.

"And it's proof of the Department's long-term commitment to building advanced capabilities that will fortify America's ability to deter aggression, today and into the future."

The Secretary stated that the U.S.'s deterrence is at the heart of its defense strategy.

"This bomber was built on a foundation of strong, bipartisan support in Congress. And because of that support, we will soon fly this aircraft, test it and then move into production," he said.

B 21's sixth-generation characteristics​

US-China defense race: World’s first sixth-generation aircraft B-21 nuclear bomber debuts

B-21 Raider's path to flight readiness.
Northrop Grumman
As the head of a potent family of systems that usher in a new era of capability and flexibility through cutting-edge data, sensor, and weapon integration, the B-21 Raider serves as the foundation of U.S. air power's future.

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Information advantage, stealth, and open architecture are some of its sixth-generation characteristics.

The lethal B-21 can network into all domains and to numerous systems throughout the battlespace. It can evolve fast through rapid technological upgrades that give it new capabilities to outstrip potential threats.

Over three decades of stealth and striking technologies have benefited the B-21 Raider, claims the company, "the B-21 will defeat the anti-access, area-denial systems it will face."

The "Raider" differs significantly from the B-2, according to Kathy Warden, chief executive of Northrop Grumman, the company producing the Raider.

"The way it operates internally is extremely advanced compared to the B-2, because the technology has evolved so much in terms of the computing capability that we can now embed in the software of the B-21," said Warden.

The use of new propulsion technologies, as well as the use of advanced materials in coatings to make the bomber harder to detect, and new techniques for controlling electronic emissions to enable the bomber to fool the enemy, are some of the features we know about so far.

The classified bomber is a cornerstone of the Pentagon's efforts to improve its defense in response to China's quick military modernization.

US-China defense race​

The bomber attributes to Pentagon's revitalizing efforts to update all three components of its nuclear triad, including silo-launched nuclear ballistic missiles and submarine-launched bombs.

Its delivery timing sends a strong signal to China, which is also planning to counter the U.S.'s launch of the B-21 Raider.

The People's Liberation Army (PLA) may be very near to launching the classified H-20 stealth bomber, a warplane that may practically double its attack range and is allegedly considered a competition to the U.S.'s "Raider."

By 2035, China is projected to possess 1,500 nuclear weapons because of advancements in hypersonic technology, cyber-warfare, space capabilities, and other fields.

A recent meeting between the two superpowers may have eased some nerves but the defense race continues.
 

Housecarl

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Iran triples capacity for enriching uranium to 60%, near weapons grade, IAEA says​

International Atomic Energy Agency warns ‘this has consequences’ and calls for inspections as watchdog remains at odds with Tehran​

By TOI STAFF and AGENCIES
Today, 5:35 am

Iran has tripled its capacity to enrich uranium to 60 percent purity, the head of the UN nuclear watchdog agency said Friday, as Tehran remains at odds with the West over its nuclear program.

Uranium enriched to 60% purity is a short technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%.

Iran said last month that it had moved ahead on uranium enrichment that Western governments worry is part of a covert nuclear weapons program.


“Iran informed us they were tripling, not doubling, tripling their capacity to enrich uranium at 60%, which is very close to military level, which is 90%” the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency Rafael Grossi said at a press conference in Rome.

“This is not banal. This is something that has consequences. It gives them an inventory of nuclear material for which it cannot be excluded… that there might be another use. We need to go. We need to verify,” he said, according to Reuters.

Iran said last month that the enrichment was being carried out at its underground Fordo plant using advanced IR-6 centrifuges, and was a response to an IAEA resolution criticizing Tehran’s lack of cooperation with the nuclear watchdog.

Under the terms of its 2015 agreement with world powers, Iran is only permitted to enrich uranium to 3.67% purity. That deal gave Iran sanctions relief in return for curbs on its nuclear program to prevent the production of a weapon.

The deal also called for Fordo to become a research-and-development facility and restricted centrifuges there, used to spin enriched uranium into higher levels of purity, to non-nuclear uses.

The US last month expressed “deep concern” over Iran’s progress on its nuclear program and ballistic missile capabilities.

“We’re going to make sure we have all options available to the president,” White House national security spokesman John Kirby said. “We certainly have not changed our view that we will not allow Iran to achieve a nuclear weapons capability.”

In a joint statement, Britain, France and Germany said Iran was moving “well beyond” limits set down in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the formal name of the 2015 deal.

By enriching uranium up to 60%, Iran was challenging global non-proliferation, they said.

“This step, which carries significant proliferation-related risks, has no credible civilian justification,” the European countries said.

Grossi also said Friday that Iran was still in conflict with the IAEA. The two sides have long been at odds as Iran has blocked inspectors from visiting suspicious sites and withheld information from the agency.

The IAEA is seeking an explanation from Iran for uranium traces that were discovered at three undeclared sites. The IAEA previously said Iran had agreed to allow UN inspectors to visit in November but the meeting has not taken place.

“We don’t seem to be seeing eye-to-eye with Iran over their obligations to the IAEA,” Grossi said. “We need to put our relationship back on track.”

The heavily protected Fordo plant around 110 miles (190 kilometers) south of Tehran was built deep underground in a bid to shield it from air or missile strikes by Iran’s enemies.

In September, Defense Minister Benny Gantz said the enrichment capacity had tripled at Fordo over the past year, months after Iran said it had begun enriching uranium to 20% purity at the plant.

Last month, Military Intelligence chief Maj. Gen. Aharon Haliva said Iran has made “significant progress” toward producing 90% enriched uranium.

“The moment is coming when the greatest test of the international community will come to light, when Iran entertains [the idea of] enrichment at 90%, even if only symbolically,” he said.

The IAEA reported in July that Iran had 43 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60% purity at other sites, enough fissile material for one nuclear weapon if Iran chose to pursue it.

However, Iran still would need to design a bomb and a delivery system for it, likely a months-long project.

Talks seeking to revive the nuclear deal have stalled, alongside international condemnation of Tehran’s heavy-handed response to domestic protests.

The deal collapsed after Washington’s unilateral withdrawal in 2018 under then-president Donald Trump.

Israel has long opposed the nuclear accord, saying it delayed rather than ended Iran’s nuclear progress and arguing that sanctions relief empowered Tehran’s proxy militias across the region, with expected incoming prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu coming out strongly against the deal.
 

Housecarl

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North Korea Showcases Two Types of ICBMs In November 2022 Tests​

image-300x200.png
Source: KCNA
North Korea conducted two intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) launches in November: an apparent Hwasong-15 on November 3, which failed, and the larger Hwasong-17 on November 18, which succeeded. Both missiles had modified boosters; the Hwasong-15 also had a modified payload section, but the failure of its test flight obscured the true impact of those changes.

These tests show that North Korea is continuing to improve its capability to deliver nuclear warheads against the continental United States and underscore the political and deterrent importance of that capability to Pyongyang. The nature of the modifications to both missiles suggests the North recognizes the need to improve their reliability, and thus bolster the credibility of its ICBM capabilities. We can expect Pyongyang to continue testing both modified systems, although it claimed the November 18 test was the final developmental launch, and expect continued launches of the original Hwasong-15 if it is to remain deployed.

Mid-size Hwasong-15 Clearly Reemerges

North Korea launched an ICBM on November 3 to an altitude of about 1,920 km and a range of about 760 km, according to South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff. The first stage reportedly operated and separated normally, but the missile failed during second stage flight.

On November 7, North Korea released a statement commenting on an extensive series of missile launches conducted from November 2 to 5.[1] The statement did not acknowledge the ICBM test explicitly, but referred to an “important test-fire of ballistic missile to verify the movement reliability of a special functional warhead paralyzing the operation command system of the enemy.” One of the accompanying photographs showed the early flight of what appeared to be a modified version of the Hwasong-15 ICBM.[2]

This was the first launch of the Hwasong-15 North Korea has acknowledged conducting since the system’s initial flight test in November 2017. Earlier this year, on March 24, North Korea reported it had conducted a launch of its Hwasong-17 ICBM, but South Korean intelligence claimed it was actually a Hwasong-15. Neither claim has been confirmed, but there are aspects of the latest Hwasong-17 launch that lend support to the North Korean claim. (A failed Hwasong-17 launch was also conducted on March 16.)

The Hwasong-15 has probably been operationally deployed since 2017, consistent with Kim Jong Un’s 2018 claims of an ICBM capability against the US,[3] the apparent assessment of ICBM deployment by the US Defense Intelligence Agency in October 2021, and the Foreign Ministry’s February 2022 claim that the Hwasong-15 has the “ability to strike the US mainland.”[4] (As noted below, the November 18 North Korean statement on the Hwasong-17 launch also referred in passing to “ICBM units,” and a statement on November 27 noted that the armed forces had been “equipped with” Hwasong-15s.[5]) From an operational standpoint, testing the reliability of an already deployed system should have been a priority for the North Koreans once they made the political decision to resume ICBM testing.

Interestingly, the missile shown in the November 7 photo had some significant modifications: a shorter first stage, an apparently shorter second stage, and a longer and more tapered payload section.[6] Because the test flight failed, the effect of these modifications on the Hwasong-15’s range and payload capability is unclear. The North’s reference to “a special functional warhead paralyzing the operation command system of the enemy” also is unclear. Possibilities include a North Korean threat to use nuclear weapons to generate electromagnetic pulse (EMP) effects to damage command, control, and other electronics; another hint at developing multiple warheads; or a smokescreen to obfuscate a failed ICBM launch.[7]

Without understanding the differences between the original and modified missiles, we cannot assess the implications of this failed test for the reliability of currently deployed Hwasong-15 ICBMs. The apparent success of the first stage (particularly if the engines in the two versions are basically the same), staging, and second stage ignition all would appear to be good news for the currently-deployed force. But the failure of the second stage after ignition would be an obvious concern, and the failure also foreclosed any ability to test the payload.

It is highly likely that North Korea will conduct additional tests of the modified Hwasong-15 until it is satisfied with its performance. If the original version is intended to remain in the deployed inventory, we can expect additional launches of it as well.

First (or Second?) Successful Test of the Hwasong-17

On November 18, North Korea launched an ICBM into a highly lofted trajectory with an altitude of about 6,000 km to a range of about 1,000 km, according to the South Korean and Japanese governments. That same day, North Korea released a statement reporting a successful test launch of the “new-type” Hwasong-17 ICBM.[8] According to the statement, “The test-fire clearly proved the reliability of the new major strategic weapon system to be representative of the DPRK’s strategic forces and its powerful combat performance as the strongest strategic weapon in the world.” Kim Jong Un reportedly “urged the national defense scientific research sector to put more vigorous spurs to the development of Juche-based strategic weapons of Korean-style and the ICBM units…to intensify their training with high vigilance so as to perfectly discharge their important strategic duty in any situation and at any moment.”

Accompanying photos and a video showed the launch of a Hwasong-17 from an 11-axle transporter-erector-launcher (TEL)—consistent with what was seen in a video claiming to be from the March 24 launch, but more likely was from the failed March 16 test of the Hwasong-17. The latest images also reveal that the missile had a number of modifications compared to the March launch(es):

  • A shorter first stage;
  • A longer cable raceway along the second stage (which may mean the second stage propellant tanks have been lengthened);
  • A wider interstage section between the two stages (which may mean the second stage rocket engine nozzles have been lengthened);
  • Amall solid-propellant rocket motors apparently added to the second stage (probably to facilitate stage separation); and
  • A rearrangement of the small motors on the payload fairing (probably to improve fairing separation).[9]
In light of the original Hwasong-17’s substantial range and payload capability, these changes will probably not have a substantial effect on the missile’s performance. They likely reflect lessons learned from previous launches and may be more geared toward improving the system’s overall reliability.

A number of analysts noted the similarities in flight time and trajectory between the November 18 Hwasong-17 launch and the successful March 24 ICBM launch.[10] This adds weight to (but does not prove) the case that the latter launch was a Hwasong-17, despite South Korean claims otherwise.[11] If the March 24 launch was a Hwasong-17, then the November launch represents the second—rather than the first—successful launch of the system.

Continued.....
 

Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Continued.....

By North Korean standards, one or two successful tests could be enough testing to permit operational deployment of the system. Although the North Korean statement on November 18 did not mention the new ICBM’s operational status, it did refer in passing to “ICBM units,” and the November 27 statement characterized the November 18 launch as “the final test-fire for the development of [the] new-type ICBM.”[12] If the modifications to the missile since March were extensive enough, additional testing may occur prior to deployment.

The real significance of the Hwasong-17 results from the potential its large diameter and propulsion capability provide to accommodate multiple warheads, especially multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles (MIRVs). This potential has been recognized since the missile was first in October 2020, and underscored when Kim Jong Un claimed in January 2021 that the North was in the final stage of “perfecting the guidance technology for multi-warhead rocket.”[13] There is still no direct evidence, however, that North Korea is developing or testing multiple warheads[14]—despite frequent press claims that the Hwasong-17 “is designed to carry” them.[15] The missile may well end up carrying multiple warheads, but the technology (especially for MIRVs) is challenging and probably requires more than North Korea’s usual amount of testing. If the North intends to deploy the Hwasong-17 with multiple warheads, additional Hwasong-17 launches should be expected.

The Bottom Line

The November tests show that North Korea is continuing to improve its capability to deliver nuclear warheads against the continental United States and underscore the political and deterrent importance of that capability to Pyongyang. We still do not know how many ICBMs it has deployed, although it probably has fielded some Hwasong-15s since 2017, or how many more it will deploy in the future. We also do not know if it will deploy the Hwasong-17 with multiple warheads, although such deployments are the most sensible reason to have developed that large of an ICBM in the first place, or if any such warheads will be shotgun-style multiple reentry vehicles (MRVs) or the more technically demanding and capable MIRVs. The nature of the modifications to both the Hwasong-15 and -17 seen in the November tests suggests the North recognizes the need to improve their reliability, and thus overall credibility of its ICBMs. We can expect Pyongyang to continue tests of both modified systems and launches of the original Hwasong-15 if it is to remain deployed. As of now, it would not appear that Pyongyang sees any substantial political impediments to further launches.


  1. [1]
    “Report of General Staff of KPA on Its Military Operations Corresponding to U.S.-South Korea Combined Air Drill,” KCNA, November 7, 2022.
  2. [2]
    Ibid., photos: https://www.kcna.kp/en/media/photo/...73484f4e73212e708098c2c1dd27ac3b8f60650.kcmsf.
  3. [3]
    “Kim Jong Un Makes New Year Address,” KCNA, January 1, 2018. According to Kim, “In no way would the United States dare to ignite a war against me and our country. The whole of its mainland is within the range of our nuclear strike and the nuclear button is on my office desk all the time; the United States needs to be clearly aware that this is not merely a threat but a reality.”
  4. [4]
    “North Korea Military Power: A Growing Regional and Global Threat,” Defense Intelligence Agency, October 15, 2021, https://www.dia.mil/Portals/110/Documents/News/NKMP.pdf. For example, page 20 of the report refers to “ICBMs now in the North Korean inventory”; page 22 states that “The Strategic Force includes units operating…ICBMs…” and that “This force also is responsible for the…Hwasong-14 ICBM, capable of reaching the continental United States”; and page 41 states that “North Korea’s ballistic missile units control a wide selection of SRBMs, MRBMs, IRBMs, and ICBMs.”
  5. [5]
    “Respected Comrade Kim Jong Un Receives Letter of Pledge from Academy of Defence Science,” KCNA, November 27, 2022.
  6. [6]
    See Ankit Panda, Twitter Post, November 6, 2022, 6:05 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/nktpnd/status/1589393599883796480
    ; Nathan J Hunt Twitter Post, November 6, 2022, 11:47 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/ISNJH/status/1589479581698117634
    ; and the comparison drawings at Nathan J Hunt, Twitter Post, November 8, 2022, 7:48 a.m., View: https://twitter.com/ISNJH/status/1589962948424130560
    .
  7. [7]
    See Joseph Dempsey, Twitter Post, November 6, 2022, 7:00 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/JosephHDempsey/status/1589407305027964928
    and Ankit Panda, Twitter Post, November 6, 2022, 6:05 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/nktpnd/status/1589393599883796480
    .
  8. [8]
    “WPK Solemnly Declares Its Immutable Will to React to Enemy’s Nuke and Full-frontal Confrontation in Kind; Respected Comrade Kim Jong Un Guides Test-fire of New-type ICBM of DPRK’s Strategic Forces,” Rodong Sinmun, November 18, 2022.
  9. [9]
    See Nathan J Hunt, Twitter Post, November 19, 2022, 1:16 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/ISNJH/status/1594032003196022784
    ; and Tianran Xu, “Brief on DPRK ICBM launch on 18 November 2022 – Updates, 21 November 2022,” Open Nuclear Network, November 21, 2022, Brief on DPRK ICBM launch on 18 November 2022 - Updates, 21 November 2022 | Open Nuclear Network.
  10. [10]
    See Jeffrey Lewis, Twitter Post, November 17, 2022, 10:40 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/ArmsControlWonk/status/1593449060932804608
    on the flight time. See Jeongmin Kim and Shreyas Reddy, “North Korea fires intercontinental ballistic missile ‘eastward’: Seoul,” November 18, 2022, NK News, North Korea fires intercontinental ballistic missile ‘eastward’: Seoul | NK News; Marco Langbroek, Twitter Post. November 18, 2022, 4:54 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/Marco_Langbroek/status/1593724237256470528
    ; and Jonathan McDowell, Twitter Post. November 17, 2022, 10:49 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/planet4589/status/1593451256764583940
    regarding the trajectory.
  11. [11]
    For additional factors weighing in favor of the Hwasong-17 case, see Vann H. Van Diepen, “Revisiting the Hwasong-17/15 Controversy: What if North Korea Had Launched a Hwasong-15?,” 38 North, April 27, 2022, Revisiting the Hwasong-17/15 Controversy: What if North Korea Had Launched a Hwasong-15? - 38 North: Informed Analysis of North Korea.
  12. [12]
    That statement also referred to the “preparation of underground launching pad” while lauding Kim Jong Un’s purported personal decision to make the Hwasong-17’s launching vehicle “self-propelled.” This could suggest the missile also will be deployed in silos, or at least that silo deployment had been contemplated. Unless successfully concealed, however, Hwasong-17 silos would be extremely vulnerable to conventional and nuclear attacks.
  13. [13]
    See Vann H. Van Diepen and Michael Elleman, “North Korea Unveils Two New Strategic Missiles in October 10 Parade,” 38 North, October 10, 2020, North Korea Unveils Two New Strategic Missiles in October 10 Parade - 38 North: Informed Analysis of North Korea; and “On Report Made by Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un at Eighth Party Congress of WPK,” KCNA, January 9, 2021.
  14. [14]
    The US has revealed that North Korea conducted launches in February and March 2022 that “involved” the Hwasong-17, probably to test unspecified “elements” of the system. These tests (which apparently succeeded), as well as two apparently similar tests in May 2022 (one of which failed), probably used the first stage of the ICBM. Although North Korea claimed the first two launches were testing reconnaissance satellite components, one possibility is that these launches are related to the development of post boost vehicles (PBVs) to dispense MIRVs. See Vann H. Van Diepen, “Burying the Lede: North Korea Conceals That “Spy Satellite” Tests Are First Launches of New Large ICBM,” 38 North, March 16, 2022. Burying the Lede: North Korea Conceals That “Spy Satellite” Tests Are First Launches of New Large ICBM - 38 North: Informed Analysis of North Korea; Joseph Dempsey. Twitter Post, May 4, 2022, 6:37 a.m., View: https://twitter.com/JosephHDempsey/status/1521801097685438464
    ; Jonathan McDowell, Twitter Post, May 4, 2022, 1:32 a.m., View: https://mobile.twitter.com/planet4589/status/1521724313182871552
    ; Yoonjung Seo, Gawon Bae, Junko Ogura and Barbara Starr, “North Korea tests presumed ICBM and two other missiles, South Korea says,” CNN, May 25, 2022, North Korea tests presumed ICBM and two other missiles, South Korea says | CNN; and Open Nuclear Network, Twitter Post, May 25, 2022, 12:42 p.m., View: https://twitter.com/OpenNuclear/status/1529503300797726722
    .
  15. [15]
    For example, see Michelle Ye Hee Lee, “North Korea’s leader showed off his daughter. What could it mean?,” The Washington Post, November 21, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/11/21/north-korea-kim-daughter-succession.

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Housecarl

On TB every waking moment
Posted for fair use.....

Finland says Russian nuclear threat is reason to join NATO
37 comments
Sun, December 4, 2022 at 3:16 AM·1 min read

Read also: Russia’s use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine may be its ‘last mistake,’ says Finnish defense minister

He explained that Moscow's nuclear threats have forced Finland to reflect on possible responses and sources of support if it was to be subjected to such rhetoric, considering that Finland shares about a 1,300 km border with Russia.

According to Haavisto, these considerations ultimately led Finland to apply for NATO membership status.

The Finnish FM further called the recent Russian strikes on Ukrainian power infrastructure "very cruel”. as they left ordinary people without heating, power, and sewage systems, proving Russia's intent to kill Ukrainian civilians.

Read also: Finland ready to fight Russia if attacked, says defense chief

Haavisto also stressed the importance of nuclear safety even in times of war. He said that a major incident at the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant (ZNPP) , the biggest nuclear plant in Europe, could be "one of the worst scenarios that can happen."

ZNPP, as well as other nuclear plants in Ukraine, have been disconnected from the power grid multiple times due to Russian attacks.

NATO officially invited Sweden and Finland to become member-states on June 29. The day before, Turkey, Finland, and Sweden came to an agreement where Ankara promised to not block these two country’s accession to NATO, in exchange for certain conditions.

Read also: NATO officially invites Sweden and Finland to join the alliance

28 NATO members have already ratified the accession protocols for Finland and Sweden, though Turkey and Hungary have yet to do so. All 30 NATO members must agree on membership for a country to join the alliance.

Read the original article on The New Voice of Ukraine

-------------------------------

As for Sweden, from July 2021....

Posted for fair use.....



REGIONS > EUROPE | TOPICS > SECURITY

Weapons of Mass Debate - Sweden Between Armed Neutrality and a Nuclear Umbrella​

ANALYSIS - 1 JULY 2021

During the height of the Cold War, Sweden was one of the several small nations that considered acquiring nuclear weapons. The Scandinavian country, known for its neutrality policy, eventually abandoned the project when the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) was signed in 1968. Today, Sweden remains firmly committed to a world without nuclear weapons, but its current policy tends to consider nuclear deterrence as beneficial to reinforcing strategic stability and European security. President Emmanuel Macron’s call in February 2020 to bring the Union together within a new strategic agenda resonated with the Swedish political and public debate. In this second article of our Weapons of Mass Debate series, Andreas Persbo, Research Director at the European Leadership Network, sheds light on the Swedish dilemma on nuclear weapons, the country having been a passive recipient of a nuclear security guarantee for over 50 years.

Sweden plays an important role within Europe. It is a significant Nordic economy inside the European Union, and has a well-organized and active foreign service. Its foreign policy mixes traditional Scandinavian values, such as liberalism, equality and a firm commitment to the rule of law, with hard-nosed security policies. The 2020 Annual Review published by the Swedish Military Intelligence Agency gives valuable insight into how the country’s security community views the rest of the world. Sweden sits on Europe’s Eastern edge, close to Russia and on NATO’s flank. Its security is dependent on European cohesion and the strength of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). Sweden considers European security diminished, principally by Russian efforts who undermine political cohesion through the continued use of influence operations. Kinetically, military activity in the Baltic has increased to the highest level since the end of the Cold War. It is also concerned by the continued erosion of arms control and disarmament agreements, especially the lack of controls on intermediate-range nuclear forces. Sweden’s disarmament policies should be seen through this lens.

An interview with Sweden’s Foreign Minister Ann Linde, published by the Arms Control Association in May 2021, highlights how Scandinavian values intersect with the security environment. Sweden is firmly committed to a world without nuclear weapons but cognisant that the conditions for this have to be right - it is left unsaid that conditions are not here. There appears to be broad political consensus on this point. The Left Party and the Greens (representing 13% of the electorate) want a more abolitionist posture, such as Sweden ratifying the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). However, Sweden’s liberal and conservative parties (representing almost 40% of the electorate) tend to highlight the country’s defense relationship with some nuclear-weapon states and hold that a firmer line on this is counterproductive - a position that is also supported by the Social Democratic party (representing about 25% of voters). It is less clear where the electorate stands, but polling would indicate broad public support for a robust arms control and disarmament agenda.

Sweden on Macron…​

Most of the Swedish policy community would probably agree with President Macron’s worldview outlined in his defense and deterrence speech of February 7, 2020.While about half of the Swedish people would support NATO membership, the Swedish concept of "armed neutrality," meaning that the country is "alliance-free" in peacetime and neutral in wartime, still has many supporters. With "armed neutrality" comes significant investment into national defense. Almost directly reflecting public opinion, Sweden has decided to put one foot into the Alliance while having the other back at home. It’s a NATO "Enhanced Opportunity Partner" and a member of the alliance’s NATO Response Force.

Macron observed that "Europeans must be able to protect themselves together." Many in the Swedish security community would agree with that statement.

Sweden is a member of the EU’s Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). Together with France, it coordinates the PESCO project on EU Test and Evaluation Centres. Sweden’s policy community would likely endorse Macron’s statement that Europe needs "an autonomous and competitive industrial defense base, resolute and massive innovation efforts, control of our security technologies and control of our defense exports." This plays to Swedish industrial strengths.

There would be, however, a difference of opinion on the role of nuclear weapons. Sweden would not formally want to be "associated with the exercises of French deterrence forces", as Macron proposed (although, if you ask privately, the Swedish Navy would probably enjoy the opportunity to sneak up on Le Terrible, to repeat their "sinking" of the USS Ronald Reagan). So exercising is ruled out.

Sweden may be able to join a dialogue, as Macron puts it, "on the role played by France’s nuclear deterrence in our collective security." It would however likely push back on ideas promoting a French nuclear umbrella.

But it would do so gently. An example of how can be found in Defense Minister Peter Hultkvist’s response on March 25, 2021, to a question on Britain’s warhead decision in the 2021 Integrated Review. After highlighting his government’s clear view on nuclear weapons, he said that the United Kingdom remained an important partner. A partnership, he maintained, does not mean that one has to share and support all opinions and decisions. But to "lose" the United Kingdom in our part of Europe, he concluded, would be harmful to our collective security.

… and on Biden​

Sweden’s position on the United States would be no different. As Foreign Minister Linde put it in Arms Control today, it would be "encouraging the new administration to seriously consider the 22 stepping stone proposals to advance nuclear disarmament." Some of Sweden’s policy positions are traditional: it would like to see new rounds of arms control between the United States and Russia and point to the need to involve China at some stage. Stockholm would undoubtedly like to see some movement on intermediate-range ballistic missiles in Europe, and it is concerned about the impact of new and emerging technologies on future arms control.

However, other ideas are consistent with strategic risk reduction as formulated by President Macron, for instance, the "Stepping Stones Initiative" calls for "Nuclear-Weapon States and Nuclear Possessor States to engage in a structured dialogue to assess, minimize and address nuclear risks." A proposed subtopic within that conversation is a discussion on "measures aimed at preventing crisis" and "extending decision-times in crisis." This opens up an opportunity for engagement.

To Engage or Not to Engage?​

In my opinion, Sweden may have more to gain than it has to lose by taking up President Macron’s offer for a reinforced dialogue on the role of nuclear weapons in Europe. It would serve to strengthen the country’s relationship with France, which is considered an essential partner within the European Union. It would also be in line with Sweden’s engagement with NATO. However, it could have a detrimental impact on Sweden’s "disarmament credentials". These credentials are not as strong as they were during the 1970s and 1980s, or when Sweden was a partner of the New Agenda Coalition in the late 1990s and early 2000s, but they are still valid, as the country’s involvement in the "Stepping Stones Initiative" has shown.

There are also domestic risks. Joining Macron’s dialogue could be criticized by the Left Party and the Greens, while both are allies of the ruling Social Democrats. Nuclear weapons policy is unlikely to cause gigantic fractures in a potential "Red-Green" coalition but can make life difficult for the government. A centre-right (or more likely a right-wing) coalition (the next election is in September 2022) could more easily engage France. However, it would run the risk of coalescing the opposition around the issue and, in addition, giving them fertile campaign material.

The parties’ caution on nuclear issues can be seen in parliamentary debates. Nuclear weapons policy does surface in the Swedish Parliament a couple of times a year, and the government has been clear that it seeks abolition, that it does view nuclear armament as diminishing collective security, and that it opposes any stationing of nuclear weapons on Swedish territory. Therefore, a conversation with France could be considered to be opening the door to further collaboration with a nuclear weapon state, which is a perception that would need to be fought domestically.

Hence, Sweden’s participation would be dependent on how France formulates the agenda. If the agenda is based on the premise that nuclear weapons are indispensable for Europe’s future, and it is now time to discuss how to operationalize a French nuclear umbrella, Stockholm is almost certainly not going to attend. If the agenda is more open, starting with a conversation about the future of nuclear weapons, then it might. After all, one of the Stepping Stones is for "Nuclear-Weapon States to deepen discussions on nuclear doctrine and declaratory policies, both among themselves and with Non-Nuclear Weapon States". But even that would not be certain. It depends to what degree Stockholm can withdraw from the conversation, should it "go in the wrong direction".

Sweden as a Passive Recipient of a Nuclear Security Guarantee​

Could France simply issue a security guarantee for the European Union? How would that be perceived in Sweden? France is technically free to issue such a statement, and some Member States would probably welcome it. Many others would probably receive the guarantee in silence. Sweden’s response is likely to be along the lines of "we didn’t ask for this guarantee, and we note Paris’ statement". It could, of course, reject the guarantee, but this would not serve any immediate interests. It would state that Stockholm’s sovereignty and policy of military neutrality would be unaffected by France’s position.

It would not be the first time Sweden falls under a de facto nuclear umbrella. As Bruno Tertrais has pointed out in a research note from 2011, "One of the reasons Stockholm ended up renouncing to build nuclear weapons was probably that Sweden believed that there was a de facto nuclear umbrella covering its territory." Moreover, as pointed out by Professor Ola Tunander, Sweden’s defense collaboration with the United States, and indirectly with NATO, has been profound for many decades, to the point of becoming an "unofficial ally". This double policy has never been publicly acknowledged. Stockholm would be unlikely to reverse an approach that has served it well for the last 50 years or so.

Copyright: Jonathan NACKSTRAND / AFP
 

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Ukraine war bleeds into Russia-US nuclear talks​

BY LAURA KELLY - 12/05/22 6:48 PM ET

Rock-bottom relations between the U.S. and Russia amid the Ukraine war are bleeding into one of the most high-stakes area of the relationship: strategic communication over nuclear weapons.

Russia’s rejection of meeting U.S. officials in Egypt for nuclear talks over a soon-to-expire treaty is raising the risk that Washington is losing its ability to communicate with Moscow, even over one of the most fragile and preserved issues of mutual importance.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has appeared to tone down rhetoric threatening the use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine, but experts say the loose talk, coupled with a breakdown in diplomacy, has put the risk of nuclear conflict nearly on par with the Cold War.

“Even during the worst of the Cold War, we were still talking to one another,” said Jim Townsend, who served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for Europe and NATO during the Obama administration.

“We want these things to happen because it means we’re trying to bring some sanity to the nuclear world.”

Contact between U.S. and Russian officials have shrunk to the most senior levels and focused on the most sensitive of issues, in particular the fate of Americans unjustly detained in Russia and managing risk related to nuclear weapons use.

This includes a reported meeting between CIA Director Bill Burns and his Russian counterpart in Ankara last month. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan has privately warned Russian officials, including his counterpart, of the consequences if Moscow used nuclear weapons.

Still, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said last week that a “fear” remains that Russia could use a nuclear weapon. “We’re not ruling it out,” he said in an interview with French media.

The latest breakdown in talks between the U.S. and Russia are related to the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), bi-annual, technical consultations as part of the nuclear arms treaty, New START, and that was signed by both Washington and Moscow in 2011.

The talks were expected to take place in Cairo between November 29 and Dec. 6, but were “unilaterally postponed by the Russians,” the State Department told The Hill.

The meetings, which were already delayed for a year, were meant to iron out how the U.S. and Russia could resume onsite inspections of each other’s nuclear weapons arsenals required by the treaty.

“It is unusual — I wouldn’t say it’s a disaster yet — but it is very unusual for either side to break off normal working meetings to implement a treaty that both countries say they support,” said Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Association.

“This is really not good.”

The inspections were initially suspended because of the COVID pandemic, but Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said last week it was “naive” for the Biden administration to think the Kremlin would discuss nuclear stability while the U.S. was aiding Ukraine, in Moscow’s view, to “destroy Russia.”

“It is crystal clear that it is impossible to discuss strategic stability today while ignoring everything that is happening in Ukraine. Because the goal in Ukraine has been declared – not to save Ukrainian democracy, but to defeat Russia on the battlefield, or even destroy Russia,” he said, according to Reuters.

National Security Spokesperson John Kirby on Friday called it “deeply regrettable” that the Russians canceled that meeting, saying the BCC talks had “nothing to do with the war in Ukraine.”

“And yet that seems to be some of the squawking we’re hearing out of Russia about why they didn’t want to do it,” he said. “This is about New START, a bilateral arms control treaty and making sure that both sides are complying appropriately with it. So we look forward to being able to have that conversation and get the BCC back on the calendar.”

Laura Kennedy, who served as ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva during the Obama administration, called Lavrov’s remarks “disingenuous with regard to the U.S. interest in resuming regular BCC meetings and resuming New START inspections — there’s nothing ‘naive’ about that.”

She added, “My assumption is, it was probably either engineered, or at a minimum agreed to by Mr. Putin. If it’s some sort of attempt at political coercion, I don’t think it’s going to work.”

Kennedy said that the U.S. and Russia have historically worked to insulate cooperation on existential issues, like reducing the risk of nuclear weapons, from broader political disagreements.

But the latest tensions around New START are undercutting the treaty’s historic successes.

“It’s really, very disappointing to see these technical talks dragged by the Russians into the geopolitical arena where indeed, we do have very, very deep disagreements,” she said.

Townsend, who also serves as a senior fellow with the Center for New American Security, said Lavrov’s position is in line with more of the hybrid, and gray-war tactics Moscow appears to be conducting on the fringes of its war in Ukraine.

He pointed to the mysterious explosions in September on natural gas pipelines in the Baltic Sea that European and U.S. officials have described as sabotage, and Russia’s intentional bombing of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and electrical grid.

“[The Russians are] turning arms control into a game, they’re using it as a weapon if you will,” Townsend said.

“It’s like bombing the electrical grid in Ukraine to torture the civilians there. [Putin’s] not out to make friends, not out to be a good citizen of the world, enhance stability, and keep nukes under control,” he added.

Lynn Rusten, vice president for the Global Nuclear Policy Program with the nonprofit Nuclear Threat Initiative, said the apparent politicization of the BCC talks is a worrying signal for the future, and a new nuclear arms treaty.

“To some extent the U.S. has signaled that it’s not yet ready to get back to the table with Russia and that one of the things it wants to see first is a resumption of inspections under New START, but also it hints about other signs of good will on the Russian side,” Rusten said.

“My sense is probably the U.S. government, if you asked someone to take a truth serum, hasn’t decided for itself what needs to happen, like a ceasefire [in Ukraine]. All of this suggests that the ability to get back to the table with the Russians is getting more politicized, certainly on the Russian side, and maybe even on our side too, so that’s not a good sign.”

Kimball added that Lavrov’s remarks signaled a “new position” for Moscow, but that Russia was unlikely to cut off nuclear talks completely because of its war.

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Still, he worried that the delay of the BCC could have a domino effect on talks between Washington and Moscow to negotiate a successor to New START when it expires in 2026.

“That’s in roughly 1,200 days, which in treaty terms is not a long time. If there’s not a negotiation on some sort of replacement treaty, there will be no agreement for the first time since 1972 that limits the world’s two largest nuclear superpowers arsenals,” he said, referring to the first pair of treaties that sought to restrict the number of nuclear-capable missiles on each side and where they were deployed.

“That would make an already fraught relationship between the U.S. and Russia all the more difficult,” he said.
 

Housecarl

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Under Joe Biden, Threat Of Nuclear War Has Gone Up​

BY: JORDAN BOYD
DECEMBER 05, 2022
7 MIN READ

Even corrupt corporate media are willing to acknowledge the risk of nuclear war is ‘now a daily issue for the Biden administration.’

Ten months after Russia invaded Ukraine and two years into the disaster-prone Biden presidency, there’s no denying the world is at a greater risk of nuclear escalation — not just in Eastern Europe, but also on the other side of the world in the South China Sea.

A majority of Americans overwhelmingly don’t want to go to war with Russia over Ukraine, especially as the conflict escalates to nuclear levels. Yet, objective reality indicates that, under President Joe Biden’s leadership, the U.S. is not only committed to an indefinite proxy war, but has only increased its contemplation of the use of tactical nuclear weapons.



Just this week, Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, admitted that at the beginning of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, he believed the chance of nuclear war to be zero. Now, he knows that the possibility of using nuclear weapons has changed.

“Look, Ukraine is a tragedy of monumental proportions, but it could actually be worse because if you asked me a year ago when this war began, ‘What are the chances that it will degrade to tactical nuclear weapons,’ which is sort of a longer way of saying, ‘entering nuclear weapons,’ I would have told you zero,” Netanyahu told Chuck Todd on Sunday’s “Meet the Press.” “Today, I would still say that the odds are very low but they’re not zero. And that could be the greatest tragedy of all because in three quarters of a century, we have not crossed that threshold. We must not cross that threshold.”

Netanyahu isn’t the only one who thinks the world is much closer to nuclear conflict now than before. A majority of Americans, 69 percent, say they are “extremely” or “somewhat” concerned that the world could experience a thermonuclear war within the next five years. That number is up 8 percent since November 2021.

Even corrupt corporate media are willing to acknowledge the risk of nuclear war is “now a daily issue for the Biden administration.”


What they refuse to admit, however, is that Biden’s leadership (or lack thereof) has significantly contributed to that increased threat. Instead of questioning Biden’s penchant for escalation, the propaganda press blames Vladimir Putin not just for his own aggression but also for any failures of the American president.

It’s true that Putin’s wartime rhetoric and actions are not short on portending nuclear disaster, but neither are Biden’s.

“First time since the Cuban missile crisis, we have a direct threat of the use (of a) nuclear weapon if in fact things continue down the path they are going,” Biden told attendees at a Democrat fundraiser in New York in October. “I don’t think there’s any such thing as the ability to easily (use) a tactical nuclear weapon and not end up with Armageddon.”

Biden’s comments paired with the tens of billions of American taxpayer dollars flowing to Ukraine demonstrate that he is not backing down. As a matter of fact, Biden and his administration have done nothing but reassure Americans who say they don’t trust the Democrat to handle this conflict well that if Russia goes nuclear, the U.S. will too.


National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan confirmed that the White House is not above escalation in the form of retaliatory nuclear assault when he staunchly refused to deny that the U.S. would enter a war with Russia if Putin deployed nuclear weapons.

That was after he promised that “any use of nuclear weapons will be met with catastrophic consequences for Russia.”

“We have communicated directly, privately, and at very high levels to the Kremlin that any use of nuclear weapons will be met with catastrophic consequences for Russia, that the U.S. and our allies will respond decisively, and we have been clear and specific about what that will entail,” Sullivan said on “Face The Nation” in September.

White House National Security Council Spokesman John Kirby similarly confirmed that “the stakes are very high right now.”

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The Biden administration hasn’t just signaled the willingness to go nuclear, it has also enabled Putin to escalate with nukes if he wants to. By signing off on Nord Stream 2, Biden helped give Putin the hegemonic confidence he needed to make a power grab in Ukraine.

“Nothing is going to stop them [Russia] now marching deeper into Ukraine, because their gas pipeline system — I mean the Ukrainian one — is going to be redundant pretty soon after the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is completely established and fully operational,” Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki predicted in June of 2021.

Similarly, it was Biden’s laxity with China that opened the door for Xi Jinping to further follow through on his own hegemonic desires. Despite Jinping’s recent demonstrations of weaponry, the Biden administration still has made no formal announcement about defending Taiwan against China’s expansion, with Biden instead making off-the-cuff declarations that are quickly walked back by his staff. In the meantime, China is stockpiling hundreds of nuclear warheads.

There’s no denying the Biden administration’s history of seriously discussing nuclear aggravation. Yet, the media deliberately leaves the White House out of their finger-pointing. That decision is especially insulting given the press’s treatment of former president Donald Trump when it came to nukes.

For more than four years, the media and their Democrat allies accused Trump of bringing the world closer to the brink of nuclear war, only to be met with four years of peace. Contrast that with months of Trump accurately noting that the Biden administration’s dangerous pivot towards escalation has the potential to lead us straight into a nuclear conflict with dire consequences.

“We have to be very smart and very nimble. We have to know what to say, what to do. And we are saying exactly the wrong thing. We’ll end up in a World War III,” Trump said at an October rally in Arizona. “We must demand immediate negotiation of a peaceful end to the war in Ukraine, or we will end up in World War III and there will never be a war like this. We will never have had a war like this and that’s all because of stupid people that don’t have a clue. And it’s also because of the kind of weaponry that’s available today.”

During another October rally, Trump warned his followers about the “n-word”– “nuclear.”

“The N-word is the nuclear word, and the nuclear word is something that’s not supposed to be discussed. You don’t talk about it. You don’t talk about it, but Putin’s been talking about it,” Trump said.

Instead of taking Trump’s warnings about the threat of nuclear war under Biden seriously, The Washington Post used the moment as an opportunity to accuse Trump of flirting with racism.

As my colleague John Daniel Davidson noted in April, “The chances that Putin will accept total defeat in Ukraine without escalation that involves the use of nuclear weapons, or that involves widening the war, are probably lower than most Americans are comfortable with.” Meanwhile, Xi Jinping in China is asserting power over his own people and over his country’s neighbors more aggressively too.

Putin isn’t backing down anytime soon and the Biden administration, as it has publicly made clear, isn’t either. Unless someone gives, the U.S. could be doomed to a nuclear tit-for-tat war with Russia over Ukraine, which Biden is doing nothing to stop. And while the Biden administration is busy dealing with Russia and depleting U.S. defense resources for Ukraine, Xi Jinping has pledged his willingness to take “all measures necessary” to expand the Chinese Communist Party’s rule to Taiwan.





Jordan Boyd is a staff writer at The Federalist and co-producer of The Federalist Radio Hour. Her work has also been featured in The Daily Wire and Fox News. Jordan graduated from Baylor University where she majored in political science and minored in journalism. Follow her on Twitter @jordanboydtx.
 

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Iran Building Nuclear Weapons​




Institute for Science and International Security

Background​

  • Rather than a traditional nuclear weapons program, Iran threatens the world with a program ready to produce nuclear weapons “on-demand.” Its readiness program poses a difficult challenge to the international community and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
  • Due to its past, large-scale nuclear weapons program, called the Amad Plan, Iran has a readiness program with less need for secret nuclear weapon development activities. Iran has advanced its nuclear weapons readiness under civilian nuclear and military non-nuclear cover projects. Using a civilian cover, Iran has in recent years successfully produced highly enriched uranium (HEU) and near HEU metal.
  • Understanding the pace of Iran building nuclear weapons matters, in particular, for designing strategies against Iran moving to construct them.

Findings​

  • Iran is increasingly viewed as a nuclear power, yet it has so far not been subjected to harsh international and regional penalties.
  • Iran has multiple pathways to build nuclear weapons: (1) Reviving and completing the Amad Plan with a capability of serially producing many warheads suitable for ballistic missiles (and possibly cruise missiles); (2) launching an accelerated effort to achieve a few crude nuclear weapons; or (3) a combination of both. Iran’s likelier pathway to nuclear weapons is the pursuit of both an accelerated approach and a revival of the Amad Plan.

  • The time needed to revive and complete the Amad Plan is estimated as two years, at which point Iran would have produced its first missile-delivered nuclear warhead and created the infrastructure for serial warhead production.
  • An accelerated program, benefiting from earlier Amad work, could produce its first crude nuclear weapon in six months. Too often, the missile warhead pathway is overemphasized.
  • A priority is ensuring that Iran is inhibited, or deterred, from deciding to build nuclear weapons.

Introduction​

A frequently propagated red herring is that if Iran’s leadership has not decided to build nuclear weapons, it does not have a nuclear weapons program, as if only a directive to build them or the act of building them qualifies. However, for a country like Iran, a simplistic binary model does not suffice. Similarly, this type of categorization did not apply to Taiwan in the 1980s, when it had a program of being ready to build nuclear weapons on short order, if requested by the regime’s leadership. [1] Taiwan had not made a decision to actually build nuclear weapons, nor had it shown any intention to build them, but it wanted to be ready to do so quickly in case a Chinese invasion was imminent. However, the United States feared that if the Chinese discovered the program, whether ready or not, it would invade. As a result, the United States took dramatic and secret steps to not only shut it down but insisted that Taiwan dismantle much of its associated infrastructure, including a research reactor, a secret plutonium separation plant, and an extensive secret nuclear weapons simulation and high explosive testing program. Taiwan had given the unfinished secret plutonium separation project a civilian cover story, and the research reactor was under International Atomic Energy (IAEA) inspections. Nonetheless, the U.S. government was determined to block Taiwan’s pathway to a nuclear weapon once and for all.
Likewise, today, Iran does not appear to have a program focused on the actual building of nuclear weapons. But it does appear to have a program to be prepared to make nuclear weapons and to do so on short order based on covert and overt activities and facilities. Rather than a traditional nuclear weapons program, Iran threatens the region and the world with a program ready to produce nuclear weapons “on-demand.”

This type of program serves the Iranian regime’s interests. While Iran increasingly is viewed as a nuclear power, it has so far been able to avoid harsh international and regional penalties. All the while, it can act to bolster its nuclear weapons capabilities. Given its existing capabilities, this approach also permits Iran to minimize the need for secret nuclear weapon development activities, which if discovered could catalyze more dangerous threats against the regime.
Today, Iran is closer to being able to build nuclear weapons than it was in 2003 at the end of the Amad Plan, its large-scale nuclear weapons program in the early 2000s, aimed at building five nuclear weapons with cores of weapon-grade uranium. [2] While international efforts have complicated Iran’s maintenance of a nuclear weaponization program, and even over time stymied some activities, no evidence has emerged that Iran stopped its nuclear weaponization efforts after 2003. Nonetheless, building an arsenal of nuclear weapons is a complex challenge, requiring a range of nuclear capabilities, and many that need to be kept ready under utmost secrecy.
Since the Amad Plan, Iran has focused on creating an uranium enrichment program able to make weapon-grade uranium, a capability that was years away in 2003 when the Amad Plan was halted. It now has established a vast uranium enrichment program, housed in multiple facilities, based on advanced centrifuges, and is well-practiced in producing up to 60 percent enriched uranium – a small step from weapon-grade uranium.
Meanwhile, Iran has resisted all efforts by the IAEA to cooperate and fully reveal its nuclear programs, providing what is known as both a correct and complete nuclear declaration, a necessary step in the IAEA process of determining that Iran’s nuclear program is peaceful. Nonetheless, the IAEA has accumulated a large body of evidence that Iran is hiding nuclear materials and activities associated with its nuclear weapons program. In the last few years, the IAEA has discovered undeclared nuclear materials and activities at four sites in Iran: three called Marivan, Varamin, and Lavisan-Shian, are linked to facilities and activities of the Amad Plan and the fourth, Turquz-Abad, with current-day storage of Amad equipment and material. These discoveries are the tip of the iceberg of Iran’s nuclear weaponization capabilities, many kept intact after Amad’s halt. These capabilities collectively represent decades of accumulated equipment, knowledge, and experience, including the preservation of the extensive activities and accomplishments of the Amad Plan.
Under the current conditions, despite the buildup in tensions with Iran, it is not possible to predict when or if the Iranian regime might decide to build nuclear weapons. But the regime is rapidly advancing its uranium enrichment program and nuclear-weapons-capable ballistic missile programs, while threatening to reduce further inspections.

Iran may still, however, fear the negative consequences of building nuclear weapons in the near future, which could include far harsher sanctions, military strikes, and nuclear proliferation among its Middle East neighbors. It may want to return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), at least for a few years, to gain immediate sanctions relief, the end of the UN missile embargo in 2023, and the expiration of the UN Security Council snapback mechanism in 2025.
Yet, there are probable triggers that could cause the Iranian regime to implement its readiness effort and build nuclear weapons. One such could be the regime assessing its survival is at stake; another would be military strikes against Iran’s nuclear sites that do not deter the regime from rebuilding those sites. Although not all of the triggers can be prevented, Iran acting on them to build nuclear weapons can be deterred.
In the absence of a major triggering event, the regime may be waiting for a time when the intersection of capabilities, i.e. speed to the bomb, and negative consequences is viewed as manageable. Although this balance point is difficult to predict, the former-Iran’s potential course of building a nuclear arsenal-can be analyzed, and the latter-negative consequences-can be bolstered, inhibiting Iran from crossing that line in the first place.
As Iran continues to get closer to being able to rapidly build nuclear weapons, additional risks may develop. The quicker Iran can make a nuclear weapon, the more tempted the leadership may be to give the go-ahead and accept the price it will have to pay internationally. Simultaneously, the risk increases of the West mistakenly concluding that Iran is dashing to the bomb, leading to harsh and destabilizing countermeasures.
For all of these reasons, understanding the pace of Iran building nuclear weapons matters, in particular for designing strategies against Iran moving to construct them.

What could an Iranian move to nuclear weapon status look like?​

The Iranian situation poses unusual challenges. Its nuclear program is rather unique in the annals of nuclear proliferation. It learned how to build nuclear weapons but stopped a full-fledged nuclear weapons program before building any. Yet, it did not fully stop its nuclear weapons effort and is resisting the type of denuclearization undertaken by Taiwan and South Africa, stonewalling IAEA efforts at further transparency.
The Iranian regime today has the choice between two basic strategies to achieve nuclear weapons status-a relatively quick path to revive and complete the Amad Plan with a capability of serially producing many warheads suitable for ballistic missiles (and possibly cruise missiles) as well as testing underground, and/or an accelerated, interrelated effort to achieve a few crude nuclear weapons. Either strategy could be invoked separately or in parallel.
The particular course would depend on the trigger causing Iran to decide to build nuclear weapons and Iran’s perception of the world’s reaction, including the feasibility of progressing without risking draconian responses that would disable the nuclear weapons effort. Detectability of the effort would likely be one main consideration, and relatedly, speed, as the transition time between a decision to build nuclear weapons and the possession of the first one poses enormous risks to the regime if the effort is discovered. Further consideration would be given to the desired military strike capabilities of the nuclear weapons and their deterrence effect. An accelerated program to its first and perhaps second nuclear weapon would have less chance of premature detection, but Iran would likely also want to create a formidable arsenal of nuclear-tipped ballistic missiles able to reach Israel and eventually Europe, if not the United States.
Amad Plan Revival
Iran could revive and complete the Amad Plan, creating an industrial-scale nuclear weapons production complex able to serially produce nuclear warheads for ballistic missiles and perhaps cruise missiles. The Amad Plan was well structured, with hundreds of well-defined tasks, each with a schedule, along with careful tracking of progress and shortcomings of each task. By late 2003, and the halt of the Amad Plan, most tasks associated with nuclear weaponization were completed or well on their way to completion, the organizational hierarchy was set, needed physical infrastructure mapped out, and large-scale facilities designed or under construction.

This revival is credible because unlike a country ending its nuclear weapons program, Iran did not disperse Amad personnel or order a halt to all nuclear weapons work. Amad’s leaders were extremely upset at the regime leadership’s decision to halt the program and were allowed to form successor organizations that conducted nuclear weapons-related projects, serving to solve some of Amad’s bottlenecks and to keep many Amad personnel employed up to today. The IAEA has also alleged that Iran has maintained and hidden nuclear and nuclear-related equipment and materials left from the Amad Plan.
However, starting up and finishing the Amad Plan’s initial goals of five nuclear weapons would take time. After the halt of the program, several facilities were abandoned or never finished, and some key development activities are still required.
Under a revival, Iran could produce weapon-grade uranium late in the process, using stocks of enriched uranium. It could also build a clandestine enrichment plant, where it could receive diverted stocks of safeguarded enriched uranium for further, secret enrichment to weapon-grade.
Accelerated Program
If speed and minimizing detection are emphasized, Iran could initiate an accelerated secret program, focused on finishing the most essential work on nuclear weaponization. Experience from Iran’s Amad Plan efforts would be invaluable in planning and executing the accelerated nuclear weapons program to build simpler nuclear explosive devices on an expedited schedule.
Late in this process, Iran could “breakout” and divert enriched uranium to the production of weapon-grade uranium, allowing for a relatively rapid completion of its first nuclear weapons. Iran would probably calculate that the time between diversion and actualization of its first nuclear weapons would not allow an effective international response.

Under an accelerated program, Iran’s weapons would likely be non-missile deliverable but could be used for underground testing to demonstrate a capability, delivered by crude delivery systems, or hinted at while their existence would simultaneously be denied. The last option was used successfully by Pakistan in the 1980s, leaving the world to ponder how many nuclear weapons it had and what type. If Iran conducted an underground nuclear test, the political and strategic effect would likely be profound, even without any clear indication of Iran having deployed nuclear weapons. Given the extent of terrorism conducted by the Iranian regime and its proxies, an unconventional delivery system should not be discounted, especially in the face of desperation. These weapons, despite their relative crudeness, would likely provide Iran with a nuclear weapon status, likely deterring enemies, while finishing its missile-deliverable warheads.

Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Readiness Program[3]​

Iran’s current nuclear status is both credible and threatening to other countries, because under the Amad Plan, Iran did have a nuclear weapons program like the one in Pakistan or in South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s. Adding to concerns, Iran has strategic and political reasons to build nuclear weapons and an authoritarian political system able to suppress domestic opposition to building them.
Iran is way beyond what is sometimes called a latent nuclear weapons program, a term often pinned on Japan because it has a large stock of separated plutonium. But despite Japan’s latency status, the country has not performed any concrete work on weaponizing that plutonium or given any sign of being ready to build nuclear weapons. Iran’s leadership is thinking about nuclear weapons, preserving nuclear weapons capabilities, including related information and equipment, advancing those capabilities, and fighting off exposure and demands for greater transparency. Iran has an active capability with key nuclear weaponization abilities in place, and-it is highly likely-a plan to exercise the option to make nuclear weapons, including a process or at least a strategy if the regime’s leadership decides to do so.
Traditional definitions of a nuclear weapons program thus do not fit Iran’s situation today, particularly when they are applied to assessments of whether specific aspects of nuclear weaponization are active from one year or another. In the context of Iran, as was the case for Taiwan, a more realistic and useful definition of a nuclear weapons program should include a program that is preparing itself to build nuclear weapons, if an order is given. [4]

Continued.....
 

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A new, broader definition of a nuclear weapons program includes a set of related activities aimed at seeking and building nuclear weapons, but it allows for programs encompassing a collection of activities aimed at being ready, on command and in short order, to build nuclear weapons. In evaluating whether Iran’s program qualifies under this broader definition, assessments should look at all measures taken to create the technological and organizational conditions for producing nuclear weapons, including the planning and construction of nuclear weapon research, development, and production facilities. Iran should also be assessed on whether it is developing or maintaining the various nuclear capabilities that better position it to produce nuclear weapons, should the leadership choose to build them. In such an assessment, sensitive safeguarded nuclear facilities matter; breakout timelines become an important measure of the threat; inspection deadlocks over access to personnel and sites become an indicator of possible or covert nuclear weapons-related activities; and discovery of the construction of secret nuclear sites or their razing is met with a presumption of guilt. Illicit procurements and procurement attempts related to nuclear weaponization are another indicator of undeclared nuclear weapons-related activities. An active management structure, as indicated in Iran’s case by the maintenance of a secret nuclear weapons archive, would qualify as evidence indicative of an ongoing nuclear weapons effort. Overall, the entire nuclear program must be considered, both overt and covert components, as well as potential non-nuclear cover programs.

Under that definition, Iran has at a minimum an active nuclear weapons readiness program, a capability amplified since the Amad Plan. Its readiness program is centered at both secret and safeguarded facilities.
Mohsen Fakhrizadeh and his Successors
Iran’s long-time leader of its nuclear weapons efforts was Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, with the support and guidance of Iran’s most senior leadership. He led the Amad Plan and its predecessor organization, the Physics Research Center, known by its acronym PHRC. He continued leading Amad’s successor organizations, the most recent known by its acronym, SPND, which included many former members of the Amad Plan, until his violent death in November 2020.
His death was a setback for Iran and has complicated maintaining a nuclear weapon readiness capability, given his enormous amount of institutional knowledge, his recognized managerial skills, and his political influence. However, Fakhrizadeh and his colleagues from the Amad Plan also mentored a new generation that appears to be sufficiently capable to carry on, despite Fakhrizadeh’s death. In addition, the IRGC and Iran’s military industries have a variety of experienced managers, two of which emerged as heads of SPND following Fakhrizadeh’s death in late 2020, both well versed in Iran’s missile and other military industries.
The first replacement was IRGC Brigadier General Mahdi Farahi, aka Seyyed Mahdi Farahi. He was formerly Deputy of Iran’s Ministry of Defense for Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL) and Managing Director of the Defence Industries Organisation (DIO), and head of the Aerospace Industries Organisation (AIO). He has been designated by both the United States and the European Union because of his nuclear proliferation and/or ballistic missile activities. He was also reportedly involved in the development of an 80-ton rocket booster being jointly developed by Iran and North Korea and travelled to Pyongyang, North Korea during contract negotiations. [5]

Farahi remained as head of SPND for less than a year, being replaced in September 2021 by Reza Mozaffarinia, aka Reza Mozaffarinia Hosein. Mozaffarinia is a former deputy defense minister of MODAFL and Dean of Malek Ashtar University (MUT), a university controlled by MODAFL. Mozaffarinia has made significant contributions to Iran’s missile program, according to his U.S. Treasury Department designation in 2013.
Based on interviews with knowledgeable sources, neither man was part of the Amad Plan or has significant nuclear background or expertise. A priority was stabilizing SPND after Fakhrizadeh’s death, and they both accepted orders to continue with Fakhrizadeh’s methods. As a result, the structure of SPND did not change after his death. The core Amad groups remain intact, in particular the explosive and radiation groups. [6] Former Amad personnel remain senior experts in these programs. The core of Iran’s nuclear weaponization capabilities thus remain in SPND under new leadership. If the Iranian regime decided to build nuclear weapons, despite the loss of such a unique leader of its nuclear weapons program, it maintains the expertise and managers to do so.
After decades of almost exclusively non-military figures leading the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI), it was recently placed under the leadership of a figure with an extensive background in Iran’s military industries. In August 2021, the newly elected President Ebrahim Raisi appointed Mohammad Eslami as the new head of the AEOI. Eslami is a civil engineer who was formerly Deputy Defense Minister for Research and Industry and served as head of the Defence Industries Training and Research Institute, which earlier had contained the Amad Plan. He was also managing director of Iran Aircraft Manufacturing Industries (HESA), deputy director of Aerospace Industries Organization (AIO), deputy for engineering and development plans at Defense Industries Organization (DIO), and deputy for engineering and passive defense at the Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL). For his activities, Eslami was designated by the U.N. Security Council and the European Union.
Eslami may have had earlier connections to the nuclear program. In 2015, Eslami reportedly participated in negotiations with the IAEA about the IAEA’s investigation into possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program. During this period, leading up to the JCPOA’s implementation in early 2016, the Iranian regime’s negotiating strategy was very successful, undermining the IAEA from obtaining a complete Iranian nuclear declaration and convincing the United States and its European allies that such a declaration was extraneous to implementing the JCPOA. [7]
With Eslami now in firm control of the AEOI, does his appointment, a person with extensive senior-level military industrial experience, signify an increasing militarization of the AEOI? It bears watching whether Eslami will create closer ties and cooperation between the AEOI and military industries.

The Pillars of a Nuclear Weapons Program​

Any successful nuclear weapons program must be built on three pillars: nuclear explosive material production, nuclear weaponization, and delivery systems. The most important aspect of a nuclear weapons readiness program is a commitment to be ready to make both nuclear test devices and deliverable nuclear weapons on an expedited schedule. Meeting such a schedule would require the preparation of many capabilities and require the involvement of several military institutions beyond the SPND, in particular those involved in nuclear-capable delivery systems, and the AEOI.
A challenge identified in the Taiwanese case was the need to ensure that nuclear weapons personnel would be ready to build nuclear weapons when ordered, all the while denying that there was a nuclear weapons program. This was a subterfuge harder for Taiwan to maintain given its more cordial working relationship with the IAEA and the regular presence of U.S. personnel at its nuclear sites. If a decision were made to build a nuclear weapon, Taiwan’s government needed assurance that personnel were well-practiced and ready to act. There would not be time to start from scratch to develop needed skills or train new personnel. The role of civilian or non-nuclear military cover stories was critical in practicing preparation for or honing skills needed in a breakout to nuclear weapons.
In Iran, the AEOI has taken the lead on developing civilian nuclear cover programs, while SPND and other military research organizations can provide non-nuclear military cover for maintaining nuclear weaponization skills, particularly given that it contains so many former Amad Plan persons. One important nuclear weapons-related practice under a civilian cover can be seen in AEOI’s deployment of a capability under IAEA safeguards to make near 20 percent enriched uranium metal. The use of near 20 percent enriched uranium can stand in for the production of weapon-grade uranium metal. Within SPND and associated organizations, where cover stories are plentiful, many necessary, secret capabilities are enshrined, allowing the development and maintenance of a range of nuclear weaponization-related capabilities. Some capabilities may even involve personnel unaware of the underlying purpose of their work. These “dual-use” activities and projects can keep personnel ready to act to build nuclear weapons on short order, if a decision to proceed were made. A former senior member of Taiwan’s nuclear weapons program called this state of readiness, “hot standby.” [8]
Seen from this perspective, Iran’s constant defiance and blocking of the IAEA is crucial to maintain its nuclear weapons readiness programs. It has to deny inspectors access to military sites and personnel and stonewall their requests for information about suspect undeclared materials and activities. This strategy helps prevent the IAEA from learning about secret nuclear weaponization-related activities and assets and prevents interpersonal relationships from developing, contradictions in officials’ statements, and relationships that could increase the chance of leaks and unintentional disclosures. It would also help explain the regime’s periodic, despicable efforts to portray IAEA inspectors as little more than spies for the West.
Maintaining the ability to produce weapon-grade uranium is far easier for Iran. The safeguarded uranium enrichment program serves as one of the most significant cover stories, developing the capability of producing weapon-grade uranium on short order and being able to build clandestine centrifuge plants involving advanced centrifuges. As of November 2022, utilizing its existing stocks of enriched uranium and centrifuge enrichment capability, Iran could produce enough weapon-grade uranium for four nuclear weapons in one month. By the end of the second month after starting breakout, it could have enough material for five weapons, the number of weapons set as the original Amad Plan target.

Iran’s ballistic missile force and its accomplishments in increasing the precision of their missiles are impressive. Many of these missiles are capable of delivering nuclear warheads. Iran has the distinction of having the largest conventionally armed ballistic missile force in the world; others with comparable missile forces have put nuclear weapons on them. It possesses thousands of ballistic missiles of various ranges up to 2000 kilometers, with many precision-guided. During the last two decades, Iran prioritized achieving a high degree of precision and accuracy in its missiles, a goal it has demonstrated visibly in recent years – about 90 percent of current missile production is precision-guided missiles. Iran’s ballistic missile program is being watched carefully by Western intelligence agencies for signs it is working on modifying its missiles’ nose cones to carry nuclear warheads, surveillance which may be inhibiting Iran from modifying its missiles to carry nuclear weapons. In addition, Iran appears constrained in developing a reentry vehicle for an ICBM, despite developing rocket engines with sufficient thrust for an ICBM under the cover of a space launch program.

Nuclear Goals and Challenges​

As outlined in the Nuclear Archive, the goals of the post-Amad nuclear program were to build a secret enrichment plant at Fordow and produce an industrial prototype of the Saqib series of nuclear weapons. The Saqib-type nuclear weapons constituted a pivotal post-Amad project.
1. Saqib-1[9] was a system for static testing, where its technical specifications were finished in 2003. This type of device could be tested underground.
2. Saqib-2 was a system for installation in the reentry vehicle, where the technical specifications of this system were, in late 2003, to be developed in such a way that it meets the flight parameters needed for integration into a ballistic missile.
3. Saqib-3 was a Shahab 3 reentry vehicle equipped with Saqib-2, a missile deliverable nuclear weapon.

There is no reason to believe that Iran’s basic goals have changed fundamentally. But there is evidence that the last 20 years further shaped the nuclear weapons program.
On one hand, Iran’s nuclear weapons program has suffered numerous setbacks and delays, including the premature closure of the Amad Plan, the discovery of the Fordow enrichment plant, ongoing leaks about nuclear weapons efforts, at times tough IAEA inspections, killings of its key scientists, Stuxnet and other cyberattacks, sabotage of centrifuge manufacturing and enrichment plants, increased sanctions against its programs, threats of wide-scale military strikes, and international opprobrium. Arms control in the shape of nuclear freezes and the JCPOA temporarily limited Iran’s activities and increased their monitoring. Iran’s Amad personnel know they have been, and remain, under intensive surveillance by multiple intelligence agencies and have been targets of espionage, and worse. Moreover, the Amad workforce is aging, and some believe that Iran’s nuclear weaponization skills are declining as this workforce ages, although Iran is also believed to be training and mentoring younger generations of scientists and engineers to replace this first generation of weaponeers. The nuclear weapons program’s current state is bound to be complex and highly camouflaged.
On the other hand, Iran has persisted in its efforts. Moreover, if a decision were taken, Iran can reverse any decline in weaponization skills. Its nuclear weapons capabilities appear far more formidable today, particularly when looking at the two more visible nuclear weapons pillars: production of weapon-grade uranium and nuclear-capable ballistic missiles.
One gain for Iran, but a failure for the rest of the world, is that by simply putting a secret nuclear site under IAEA safeguards, it preserved the site-even opened the door for improving it-if a civilian purpose could be concocted. This was made easier by the legitimization of Iran’s uranium enrichment program under shifting European and U.S. policies and arms control deals. The world grew anesthetized to Iran’s cheating. Almost the entire Amad Plan nuclear fuel cycle is now either shut down or under IAEA inspections, but it is impossible for the IAEA to guarantee a strictly peaceful use. The U.S. government certainly rejected this type of outcome in the case of Taiwan, where it demanded the dismantlement of an operating safeguarded research reactor and the destruction of a reprocessing plant under construction. [10]
It remains difficult to estimate the timeframe Iran has envisioned for implementing its readiness to build nuclear weapons, but any setbacks in weaponization have been made up by drastic improvements in missile delivery and weapon-grade uranium production and processing capabilities.

Characterizing the Nuclear Weaponization Status​

One starting point is to consider the progress made by the Amad Plan’s nuclear weaponization project, a subproject of Project 110, codenamed the Operating System Project. This project included almost the entirety of Iran’s efforts to build the nuclear weapon itself, absent efforts to integrate the warhead into a ballistic missile. A snapshot of this project’s work is seen in a Nuclear Archive electronic file, a Gantt diagram of all the Operating System Project’s subprojects, including names, tasks, and schedules. [11] The diagram dates to about late 2001 or early 2002, about two years into the Amad Plan, which started in March 2000, and about 18 months before it was halted.
This Gantt diagram is useful in estimating timelines because it is a specialized form of spreadsheet template used by project managers worldwide to schedule and coordinate tasks, where each task is on one line, and its start and completion date can be represented graphically, along with its progress. Moreover, the spreadsheet allows sections to be expanded or contracted, allowing an examination of different parts or the whole. The Gantt diagram for the Operating System Project contains 650 lines, indicating a highly detailed plan.
At the time the diagram was updated in early 2002, the project’s overall progress was 40 percent complete. The major subprojects, in the Gantt diagram, with percentage completed, are:
  • Product System Engineering – 83 percent completed
  • Neutron Source Design and Production – 33 percent completed
  • Weapon-Grade Core Design and Production – 51 percent completed
  • Multi-point hemi-spherical initiation systems – Shock Generator Design and
    Production – 45 percent completed
  • Construction and Equipping of Nuclear Weapons Assembly Workshop – 0 percent
    Completed
  • Product Engineering Prototype – 28 percent completed
The Amad Plan continued for another 18 months before halting, allowing the Operating System Project to make significantly more progress. For example, Nuclear Archive documents show that the Shock Generator project may likely have been completed by the end of 2003. [12] Unfortunately, however, a late 2003 Gantt diagram update is not available to reveal overall progress by that date.

The Amad Plan also included a Warhead Project, also known as Project 111, focused on integrating a nuclear warhead into a ballistic missile. This project was further from completion in 2003 than the Operating System Project.
The weaponization and integration projects, finished or incomplete by the end of 2003, can be derived from other Nuclear Archive information. Based on Figure 10.4 in Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons, several key weaponization activities that would still be needed today and were largely finished under the Amad Plan by 2004, include:
1) Maintaining the capability to use computer codes to simulate a nuclear weapons explosion. Greater use of simulations would make component testing less necessary.
2) Retaining a mastery of the shock wave generator, including possibly having conducted a successful cold test of a nuclear explosive with a surrogate nuclear core. (A cold test is the last step before building a nuclear weapon.)
3) Having the capability to make the neutron initiator.

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4) Finishing a pilot plant to make weapon-grade uranium cores (sites subsequently abandoned or likely repurposed).
SPND inherited considerable expertise in these areas and appears fully able to maintain or even advance these capabilities, either by conducting activities under cover stories or carefully undertaking clandestine efforts. With advances in computer technologies, and the wider availability of supercomputers, one would expect that SPND’s capabilities to simulate a fission nuclear explosive would be quite advanced today.
Another key aspect of making nuclear weapons concerns weapon-grade uranium metal, including:
  • Preserving or establishing the ability to convert fully enriched uranium hexafluoride into uranium tetrafluoride; and
  • Having the capability of converting weapon-grade uranium tetrafluoride into metal and producing nuclear weapons components.
    The Nuclear Archive did not contain any information on the first bullet item, but it had extensive information on the activities associated with the second bullet, including the construction of a pilot and production-scale plants to make weapon-grade uranium metal and transform them into nuclear weapon components. The two facilities were abandoned or repurposed after 2003, but many of their capabilities have in recent years been installed and partially tested by the AEOI at Esfahan. These activities have included the production of small amounts of near 20 percent enriched uranium metal, and the subsequent installation of a processing line at the Esfahan Uranium Conversion Facility to convert near 20 percent enriched uranium hexafluoride into tetrafluoride form and work on production lines to convert that material into enriched uranium metal. The 20 percent material can stand in for weapon-grade uranium. Iran finished installing equipment for producing depleted and natural uranium metal, although as of October 2022 no nuclear material had been introduced into the production area. The AEOI’s actions since about 2020, despite being under safeguards, reflect a determination to reactivate Amad’s previous ambitious plans to make uranium metal. The more recent actions inevitably aid the process of making nuclear weapons.
In addition to safeguarded activities, SPND may have maintained related conversion and metallurgical skills in programs involving surrogate materials. At this juncture, the question looms regarding what material and equipment was in the Turquz Abad shipping containers. These containers could have held equipment and materials needed for the production of weapon-grade uranium metal and its conversion into weapon components.

Additional, key Amad Plan activities and facilities from the table in Figure 10.4 of Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons would be needed, some of which were not completed as of 2003, including:
  • Finishing and bringing into operation a pilot-scale and/or a production-scale facility to make weapon-grade uranium cores for nuclear weapons;
  • Integrating a warhead into a reentry vehicle of a ballistic missile;
  • Having a facility to assemble all the components of nuclear explosive devices and missile-deliverable nuclear weapons;
  • Preparing an underground nuclear test site.
During the last near 20 years, Iran could have made progress on these four areas. SPND, in collaboration with Iran’s missile development and manufacturing industrial organizations, could have done considerably more work on integration of a warhead into a ballistic missile. Certainly, Western surveillance is ongoing for secret activities related to Iran building a nuclear test site. With increased concerns about such monitoring, Iran may have shifted from planning on drilling a vertical shaft in an isolated section of a desert to planning the construction of a horizontal tunnel that goes deep inside a mountain.
Based on the original Amad Plan schedules and accomplishments through the end of 2003, and assuming the Amad Plan had not been halted in 2003, it appears that the weaponization and integration projects would have needed one or two more years to complete their work. This is separate from the Project 110 project to produce weapon-grade uranium, the Al Ghadir Project, which was several years from fruition.

How quickly could Iran make nuclear weapons today?​

The unfortunate reality is that Iran already knows how to build nuclear weapons. Although there are some unfinished tasks, overall, the SPND and its allied organizations give every appearance of standing ready to build them today, if the regime’s leadership decided to do so. But how would it proceed? How long would it take? It cannot be argued today that Iran is several years from building nuclear weapons. At the end of the Amad Plan in 2003, that was the case. The biggest bottleneck then-the production of weapon-grade uranium-is no longer a bottleneck.
Iran’s exact level of readiness, including timescales, is difficult to quantify, a determination complicated further by the death of Fakhrizadeh. For comparison, Taiwan had a policy that the nuclear weapons establishment had to deliver an atomic bomb in three to six months after receiving the order to build nuclear weapons.[13] That level of knowledge of Iran’s circumstances must be estimated.

Given Fakhrizadeh’s detailed planning and managerial skills, as exemplified in the Amad Plan’s Gantt diagrams for the Operating System Project, planning has most likely occurred on making nuclear weapons, including many contingencies. For a state like Iran under intense international pressure not to acquire nuclear weapons but wanting to hedge against threats, it would be expected to develop a range of options, while steadfastly denying any nefarious intention.
One aspect of any such plan is to hide certain activities, equipment, and documents, particularly those which have no civilian or non-nuclear military cover. The Nuclear Archive, with detailed nuclear weapons documentation, and Turquz Abad shipping containers of sensitive equipment and undeclared nuclear materials, demonstrate that need.
Another aspect of such a plan is avoiding or delaying as long as possible certain high-signature activities that are hard to hide from Western intelligence agencies and would be expected to precipitate harsh attention and escalation. A cold test conducted today would be one such activity. Work on certain single-use components related to integrating a nuclear warhead into a ballistic missile could be another one. Work on reentry vehicles for ICBMs would also fall into this category.
An important uncertainty is the current number of unfinished Amad tasks. Iran has demonstrated great advances related to Amad’s Al Ghadir uranium enrichment project and ballistic missiles. More difficult to ascertain are its accomplishments on certain nuclear weaponization and missile integration efforts. Did Iran conduct a cold test? Did it build a prototype? Did Iran finish integrating a nuclear warhead into a ballistic missile reentry vehicle? Given the inherently small-scale nature of several of these unfinished weaponization tasks, their detection is challenging even for the most accomplished intelligence agencies. So much about the Amad Plan, including production-scale facilities, was missed until the discovery of the Nuclear Archive in 2018. About half of the key Amad sites were unknown by Western intelligence and the IAEA until after the seizure of the Nuclear Archive.[14] Furthermore, none of the unfinished tasks would likely take long to complete; after all, the weaponization pillar is the easiest of the three pillars for Iran to master.
Given the pressures on Iran, however, one cannot exclude the possibility that few weaponization activities are being conducted today, including development steps, except actions to hide its capabilities, and not always successfully, as shown by the discovery of the Nuclear Archive and the shipping containers at Turquz Abad filled with equipment and nuclear material from the Amad and possibly post-Amad efforts.

At a minimum, Iran has a coordinated set of activities related to building a nuclear weapon. At worst, the weaponization team has already conducted a cold test, built an industrial prototype and is regularly practicing and improving their nuclear weaponization craft under various covers or in clandestine locations. As mentioned above, a cold test is significant since it would be the last step before manufacturing a nuclear explosive.
An additional part of this evaluation is Iran’s desired level of reliability in its weapons. The nuclear explosive device itself would probably work, but if Iran wanted something better and more reliable, more work would be required, leading to delays in the actualization of a weapon or an underground test. Iran’s standards over what constitutes a reliable weapon likely differ significantly from those in the West, with Iran more likely to trade less certainty for expediency.
Returning to the original dual-strategy course of action, where Iran would pursue both an accelerated nuclear weapons program and revive the Amad Plan, what are their respective timelines? It should be reemphasized that there is no evidence Iran has activated either option at this time.
Accelerated Nuclear Program
As of November 2022, Iran is assessed by the Institute as being able to build a crude nuclear explosive in six months. At that point, it could conduct an underground nuclear test or let the world know about the device by other means.

The risk of failure could be high in Iran’s case. However, the Iranian leadership may perceive the risk as necessary and worthwhile, ordering the nuclear weapons’ team to undertake this approach. In the case of Iraq’s pursuit of an accelerated, or “crash,” nuclear weapons program in 1990 after its invasion of Kuwait, it was Saddam Hussein and his top leadership that ordered the accelerated nuclear weapons program. This program, far less advanced than Iran’s, was ended before its fruition by the start of the allied bombing campaign in January 1991.
This estimate assumes that while much of the weaponization work has been accomplished, a few significant tasks remain, even for completing a crude nuclear explosive, such as a cold test. However, these tasks could be completed in a matter of several months under an expedited schedule. Much of the work on weaponization would be conducted in utmost secrecy and would use existing or repurposed military facilities or hidden equipment and materials, possibly located in tunnels. Moreover, the device would only need to be able to be tested underground or delivered by a crude delivery system such as a ship or truck.

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The production of weapon-grade uranium could be delayed until near the end of this six-month period. Iran is assessed as not having a secret uranium enrichment plant, so Iran would need to divert its stock of safeguarded enriched uranium and further enrich it to weapon-grade. With enriched uranium stocks at November 2022 levels, however, within a week or two enough weapon-grade uranium could be accumulated for two nuclear weapons, and in a month enough for four weapons could be produced at declared enrichment plants. This capability means that the diversion of safeguarded enriched uranium could be delayed until a month or two before assembling the first nuclear weapon. The production of weapon-grade uranium metal and its fabrication into weapons components could be practiced in secret sites with natural uranium as a surrogate, something already part of the Amad Plan.
The IAEA may be delayed in detecting the diversion of safeguarded enriched uranium and further enrichment up to weapon-grade, or the use of natural uranium in metal production and fabrication. For the safeguarded enriched uranium and the use of any declared sites, Iran could deny the inspectors access under a pretense such as a fire, an accident, or a security incident. Nonetheless, there would probably be some observable indication that a diversion had occurred, even if indirect.
Revive the Amad Plan

The other part of the strategy involves Iran secretly reviving the Amad Plan. If launched in conjunction with an accelerated program today, the weapon-grade uranium for several nuclear weapons could be manufactured as part of the initial breakout in the accelerated program. If launched alone, the diversion of the safeguarded enriched uranium would occur late in the project. There is a possibility that Iran would also build a clandestine enrichment plant, utilizing its growing advanced centrifuge production capabilities, possibly directly replacing the critical role the Fordow facility was to play under Amad. A few thousand advanced centrifuges in a hidden plant would make breakout much harder to detect, let alone prevent.
Based on gauging the progress made in the Amad Plan by 2003, combined with setbacks faced since and the fact that Iran would have to tread carefully to avoid premature discovery, Iran is estimated today to need up to two years to reach the point of producing its first missile-deliverable nuclear weapon and recreate an industrial-scale nuclear weapons production complex. The years that have passed since the Amad Plan was downsized, the abandonment of its large construction projects, destruction of discovered facilities, loss and re-assignment of personnel, and perhaps most of all the theft of major portions of the Nuclear Archive, laying bare large parts of Amad’s existing and planned physical and human infrastructure, resulted in a significant loss of momentum Iran once had for a quiet revival of the Amad Plan.
Not factored into the two-year timeline is progress made in nuclear weapons development after 2003, as its full extent is at issue. However, this assumption risks shortening the Amad revival timeline by only a matter of months.
In this type of large program, after reaching its first missile-deliverable nuclear weapon, successive ones would be expected to follow every few months, where the supply of weapon-grade uranium would become the main driver of how quickly the arsenal would grow.
This two-year estimate is consistent with Israeli public estimates. An Israeli military intelligence estimate from early 2020 assessed that Iran would need two years to build and deploy a nuclear warhead on a ballistic missile, [15] and offered the same estimate in February 2021. The latter estimate recognized shorter breakout timelines to produce enough weapon-grade uranium, but emphasized the delays that would ensue because of the death of Fakhrizadeh. [16] The Israeli military intelligence estimate is similar to previous U.S. intelligence estimates, which assumed that Iran had made little, if any, advancements since 2003.

A similar recent Israeli estimate was reported by The Jerusalem Post in November 2022. [17] Senior Israeli sources stated that once Iran makes a decision to build nuclear weapons, it would need about two years to master nuclear detonation and integration into a ballistic missile.
According to knowledgeable Israeli sources interviewed by this author, the two-year estimate is based on the scenario of Iran secretly reviving the Amad Plan, meaning that two years are needed to revive the Amad Plan, finish the nuclear weaponization tasks, construct the necessary facilities, and build the first missile-deliverable nuclear weapon. Under this approach, diversion of enriched uranium and production of weapon-grade would not happen until near the end of this two-year schedule. Successive weapons would then follow, leading to a small nuclear arsenal relatively quickly, assuming enough weapon-grade uranium has been produced.

Specific Triggering Scenarios​

Currently, Iran is adding to its nuclear weapons capabilities while preventing the IAEA from investigating its undeclared nuclear materials and activities. Most believe Iran has not started building nuclear weapons. Yet, Western diplomatic efforts to constrain Iran’s nuclear efforts or increase their transparency have so far failed, oftentimes leading the Iranian regime to retaliate, adding to its gas centrifuge program or decreasing cooperation with the IAEA. While Iran’s actions are strengthening the international perception of it being a nuclear power, international concern about its status is increasing, and Western countermeasures are being perceived in Iran as more threatening.
What could lead Iran to change from maintaining a nuclear weapons readiness program to building nuclear weapons? The trigger will affect the specific strategy Iran chooses. These triggers should be considered, and a response planned. Although not all of these triggers are preventable, Iran can be deterred from moving to build nuclear weapons.
National Survival Threatened

A natural trigger to consider is if the Iranian leadership comes to perceive its national survival is threatened, at the same time as it has a ready path to a significant supply of weapon-grade uranium. The latter is currently true today. The former could develop in the coming months as tensions rise further between the West and Iran over Iran’s refusal to agree to a revived nuclear deal, Iran’s ongoing intransigence with the IAEA, its continued supply of drones or their technology to Russia for use in its war against Ukraine, its expected supply of precision missiles to Russia for use in that war, continued or worsening protests in Iran threatening the regime’s existence, and a stepped-up shadow war between Iran and Israel. Iran may come to believe that a military strike or war is imminent. In a recent assessment of the threat posed by Iran, called the Iran Threat Geiger Counter, the Institute ranked the current threat as “High Danger.” [18]
If Iran decides to build nuclear weapons as a result of a crisis concerning its national survival, when it has access to a ready supply of weapon-grade uranium, it will likely follow the two-step process outlined above, seeking to possess nuclear weapons as soon as possible to deter an attack on its critical facilities while recreating a robust nuclear weapons production infrastructure. It would likely remain in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, while hiding key safeguarded assets such as enriched uranium, and also denying inspectors access to a variety of nuclear sites, helping keep its undeclared nuclear activities secret.
Because Iran has developed new centrifuge manufacturing and operational capabilities, it might build and operate a secret centrifuge plant able to produce weapon-grade uranium for nuclear weapons, using natural uranium and safeguarded enriched uranium as feed stock. Based on IAEA reporting, uncertainties about Iran’s stocks of natural uranium and advanced centrifuges are growing. The development of advanced centrifuges translates into a smaller plant or one making weapon-grade uranium more quickly.
Withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
In reaction to Western escalations, Iran could decide to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It would invoke article X, deciding that “extraordinary events, related to the subject matter of this [t]reaty, have jeopardized the supreme interests of its country.” It would provide the required three months’ notice, ending IAEA inspections except those required by other agreements, such as those affecting the Russian-supplied Bushehr power reactor, but it would publicly deny any intention to build nuclear weapons, while hiding its key stocks of enriched uranium and a stock of advanced centrifuges. If the West did not respond forcibly and decisively, Iran could opt for a secret revival of the Amad Plan, avoiding an accelerated program, counting on a reduced chance of detection as its methodically builds a nuclear weapons production complex with a two-year window to its first nuclear weapon. If a crisis develops, it could opt for an accelerated program. In this option, Iran may also build a clandestine enrichment plant to better protect its capabilities against military strikes.

Revival of the JCPOA
The revival of the JCPOA would temporarily but drastically reduce Iran’s stock of enriched uranium and require the mothballing of thousands of advanced centrifuges, driving up Iran’s breakout timeline and the time to accumulate enough weapon-grade uranium for several nuclear weapons. In this case, during the first five years of a revived deal, assuming it survives that long, an accelerated nuclear weapons program would likely lead to its early exposure as Iran would need over three months to produce its first quantity of weapon-grade uranium for a nuclear weapon. It could revive the Amad Plan, but the rather lengthy time needed to produce enough weapon-grade uranium could dissuade Iran from trying out of fear of detection and the mustering of a harsh international response. Although Iran may nonetheless restart the Amad Plan, it could maintain its current posture of being ready to build nuclear weapons, while continuing to stonewall the inspectors about its undeclared materials and activities, looking forward to building up its nuclear enrichment capabilities as allowed under the JCPOA after 2025, and reaching a point where countries would not know if Iran was planning a breakout or just implementing its legal plans under the deal. At this point, (post-2028), breakout timelines would again drop to several weeks and soon thereafter to a few weeks or even days. Thus, a revived deal would at first complicate Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, creating a bottleneck in weapon-grade uranium for several years, but by allowing a buildup to a large enrichment capacity and ultimately no caps on enrichment level, Iran would again be able to quickly breakout and build nuclear weapons either under an accelerated program or by reviving the Amad Plan.
Better Now Than Never
With advancing capabilities and perceiving diminished international concern or pushback, the Iranian leadership could simply decide the timing is opportune, the balance of capabilities, i.e. speed to the bomb, and negative consequences is manageable, and this balance would only worsen in time. As a result, it could secretly launch both an accelerated program and a revival of the Amad Plan.

Responses and Inhibitors​

Iran’s pathways to possessing nuclear weapons are multiplying. It should therefore be a priority for the United States and its allies to step up and improve intelligence gathering to detect any movement down one of these pathways, recognizing that a revived Amad Plan and an accelerated program could have very different signatures.

Beyond increasing chances of detection, the United States and the international community should take steps to increase Iran’s inhibitions in deciding to build nuclear weapons or leave the NPT, and hopefully act to discourage Iran from further developing its nuclear weapons capabilities. These inhibitions can take many forms, and the ultimate goal should be not only to hinder Iran from activating its current nuclear weapons readiness program but also to undermine that program.
Many expected the JCPOA and its revival to hinder Iran from deciding to build nuclear weapons, but not end its nuclear weapons capabilities, including a readiness program. Today, a JCPOA revival seems less likely, given the Islamic Republic’s ongoing demands for more concessions as well as its supply of drones to Russia for use in Ukraine, persistent support for terrorist activities, and human rights violations by the regime. Furthermore, a revived JCPOA does not satisfy the need for a stronger set of methods to inhibit Iran from building nuclear weapons and prevent Iran from increasing its nuclear weapons readiness through increased enrichment capabilities. Overreliance on the JCPOA being in force was a mistake. The JCPOA is not stable, long-lasting, or a deterrent against Iran building nuclear weapons in the medium- or long-term.
An urgent priority is bolstering the IAEA to ensure that Iran addresses the inspectors’ finding that Iran has undeclared nuclear material in violation of its comprehensive safeguards agreement. The IAEA Board of Governors has warned Iran thrice to cooperate with the IAEA in its efforts to settle this issue, but it has refused, preferring to drag out the process while denying any wrongdoing. While the IAEA should continue pressing Iran to address its doubts that its nuclear program is peaceful, given Iran’s intransigence, the Board should demand that Iran cooperate with the inspectors or else face consequences. Such an action will send a strong signal that Iran’s violations are unacceptable and further isolate it internationally, while leaving the IAEA further empowered to press Iran for answers, a process complicating any Iranian move to build nuclear weapons.
Iran needs to be made fully aware that building nuclear weapons will require drastic and serious actions by the international community, including military action. The threat of military force weakened after the negotiation of the JCPOA in 2015. Iran grew to perceive the United States as reluctant to use force and Israel as fearful and unable to launch an effective attack. This tendency is being reversed, but not quickly enough. The Western powers should get serious about offensive military options to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities if Iran moves to build nuclear weapons, diverts nuclear material, or withdraws from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. A useful first step is President Biden’s declaration that military force could be used as a last resort to stop Iran building nuclear weapons; the United States and Israel’s recent drill simulating a strike on Iran is also important. In parallel, Israel has been increasing its capabilities to deliver a devastating blow to Iran’s nuclear program. U.S. military cooperation with Israel should continue to be bolstered, ensuring Israel can decisively strike Iran’s nuclear sites on short notice if there are signs of Iran is moving to build nuclear weapons, including the ability of delivering a second strike if Iran reconstitutes those activities. The priority should be assisting and building military capabilities with allies and regional partners in the Middle East, with a U.S. commitment to come to their aid in preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
Other inhibitions include aggressively expanding efforts to disrupt Iran’s supply chain for nuclear, drone, and missile programs and marching down the path of snapping back all sanctions and embargoes under the JCPOA dispute mechanism. The United States and the international community should also expand the enforcement of existing sanctions and applying additional ones while offering Iran negotiations on a longer, stronger, more effectively IAEA-inspected nuclear deal. In addition, the United States and its allies should build stronger defenses against missiles and other means of nuclear delivery, making it as difficult as possible for Iran to try to deliver a nuclear weapon against the U.S. or one of its allies. Governments and experts can undoubtedly develop a range of ways to deter Iran from building nuclear weapons and create an optimal package of measures. That effort should accelerate as the hope of a revived nuclear deal fades and the threat of Iran building nuclear weapons increases.


1. David Albright and Andrea Stricker, Taiwan’s Former Nuclear Weapons Program: Nuclear Weapons On-Demand (Washington D.C., Institute for Science and International Security Press, 2018). [↩]
2. David Albright with Sarah Burkhard and the Good ISIS Team, Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons (Washington, DC: Institute for Science and International Security, 2021). [↩]
3. This section and the next one draw extensively on the discussion in Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons. [↩]
4. While some may call this a “threshold” state, that term is avoided here because it is poorly defined and ambiguous, having been applied to countries like Japan with a large, separated plutonium stockpile and Israel with an undeclared nuclear arsenal. [↩]
5. Iran Watch, accessed November 19, 2022, https://www.iranwatch.org/iranian-entities/brigadier-general-seyyed-mahdi-farahi. [↩]
 

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Japan mulls development of 10 long-range hypersonic and glide missiles​

Japan's counterattack capability is likely to be stipulated in the revised National Security Strategy set to be approved by the Cabinet in December.



The Yomiuri Shimbun

The Yomiuri Shimbun​

The Japan News
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The Yomiuri Shimbun
December 2, 2022

TOKYO – The development of at least 10 types of long-range missiles is being mulled under a Defense Ministry plan, as the nation moves toward the possession of counterattack capabilities, The Yomiuri Shimbun has learned.

According to an outline of the plan, the ministry aims to deploy hypersonic guided missiles that can fly at least five times the speed of sound operational from fiscal 2028 or later, and high-speed glide bombs that could be used for the defense of remote islands from fiscal 2030 or later.

The possession of counterattack capabilities is likely to be stipulated in the revised National Security Strategy set to be approved by the Cabinet in December.

Under the development plan, at least 10 types of missiles would be introduced to bolster Japan’s deterrence, comprising hypersonic and glide missiles that can be launched from land, sea and air.

The Defense Ministry has asked the Finance Ministry for ¥5 trillion to cover related expenditures and will officially decide on the budget and details of the plan in conjunction with the formulation of the security strategy.

The Ground Self-Defense Force’s Type 12 surface-to-ship guided missile will be the mainstay of the counterattack capabilities. The Type 12’s range will be extended and the missile will be modified so it can be launched from land, sea and air. A ground-launched version of the missile is expected to be deployed in fiscal 2026 at the earliest.

Intercepting a hypersonic missile would be difficult under Japan’s existing air defense network. The government believes that adding hypersonic missiles to the Self-Defense Forces’ arsenal would serve as a deterrent. The ministry aims to bring forward the deployment of ground-launched and other missiles from the 2030s to fiscal 2028 at the earliest.

Ground-launched glide missiles fly at supersonic speeds and can destroy enemy forces that have come ashore. A prototype is planned to be deployed in fiscal 2027, with the missiles scheduled to be rolled out in fiscal 2030 at the earliest. These missiles might feature among Japan’s counterattack capabilities if their range can be extended. Development of a submarine-launched version has also been proposed.

The ministry plans to start research into multiple types of anti-ship guided missiles as well. The government intends to purchase U.S.-made Tomahawk cruise missiles to swiftly secure counterattack capabilities, and is preparing to expedite the mass production and deployment of missiles manufactured in Japan.
 

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ARGUMENT​


An expert's point of view on a current event.

North Korea’s Tactical Nuclear Threshold Is Frighteningly Low​


Pyongyang imagines it could win a limited conflict.​

By Adam Mount, a senior fellow and the director of the Defense Posture Project at the Federation of American Scientists, and Jungsup Kim, a vice president of the Sejong Institute and former deputy minister for planning and coordination at the South Korean Ministry of National Defense.

DECEMBER 8, 2022, 12:29 PM

This year, the threat from North Korea’s nuclear arsenal entered an alarming new phase. By mid-November, the regime had fired 63 ballistic missiles, more than double its previous annual record. The year’s tests included a record eight intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) launches, and U.S. and South Korean officials warn that the regime has completed preparations for a seventh nuclear test that waits on North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s order.

However, 2022’s most alarming development is not about what North Korea could use to deliver a nuclear warhead, but when and why it plans to do it. In recent months, North Korean leaders have articulated a dangerous new doctrine for its expanding tactical nuclear arsenal. Unlike its strategic intercontinental missiles, which are probably a last resort to prevent regime change, the Kim family said its tactical weapons could be used at the outset of conflict to fight and win a limited war on the Korean Peninsula.

In 2021, Kim declared that the regime had undertaken a successful program to “miniaturize, lighten and standardize nuclear weapons and to make them tactical ones” and that North Korea would continue to “make nuclear weapons smaller and lighter for more tactical uses.” A return to nuclear tests could see tests of these new smaller warhead designs.

Why might North Korea use a nuclear weapon? Most experts fall into two camps. The first theory warns that the regime could use nuclear weapons to retaliate against the U.S. homeland if it believed it was facing an existential attack, either from an allied invasion or an attack on Kim. The second theory is that North Korea might issue nuclear threats as part of an attack to forcibly reunify the peninsula, trying to blackmail South Korea into surrendering. In either case, the United States and South Korea would move to destroy North Korea’s nuclear forces and leadership before they can be launched and end the regime.

In recent months, North Korea has signaled that it is pursuing a third doctrine. In April, Kim said his nuclear forces will “never be confined to the single mission of war deterrent.” His sister and possible successor wrote, “[A]t the outset of war, completely dampen the enemy’s war spirits, prevent protracted hostilities and preserve one’s own military muscle.”

In other words, Pyongyang now envisions its nuclear weapons as useful not only for retaliation against an attack but for winning a limited conflict. This concept doesn’t require North Korea or its allies to launch a deliberate all-out attack, but it could guide the regime’s plans for any conflict, including wars that start by accident or that escalate from small crises. In short, the new doctrine might lead to nuclear use in a much wider set of circumstances—and much earlier in conflict.

Their mission is to prevent Washington and Seoul from bringing their superior forces to bear. The regime mistakenly hopes that early nuclear strikes could protect its inferior conventional forces and its leadership, allowing it to win a war it would otherwise lose. The targets could include strikes on stealth aircraft before they can leave the ground; units before they can be mobilized; and, as Kim said in October, strikes on his “enemies’ main military command facilities” and its main ports. It is a strategy that says nuclear weapons are not only for preventing war but also for waging one.

His sister’s comments also imply that the regime could try to win a hopeless conflict by coercing one or both of its allies to back down rather than risk a wider nuclear exchange. This mission is founded on several delusions: that North Korean nuclear use would help the regime control a conflict, that it would weaken rather than strengthen the alliance’s resolve, and that U.S. and South Korean defense chiefs would not follow through with their promise that “any nuclear attack” would result in the “end of [the] Kim Jong Un regime.” In other words, North Korea believes that nuclear use might end a conflict on its terms rather than end the regime.

The idea that a tactical nuclear weapon could help a country control escalation in a crisis is not new. At different times, Russia, France, Pakistan, and the United States have all relied on this dangerous theory when they believed that their conventional forces were too weak to deter a conflict. Why has Pyongyang adopted this logic now? It may be that North Korea has reached the point where it is capable of producing sufficiently miniaturized warheads and sophisticated ballistic missiles to deliver them. In countries building new nuclear arsenals, strategists often follow engineers.

The regime characterizes its new doctrine as part of its deterrence posture. It says North Korea can only deter an allied attack if it can win the conflict, and the only way it can win one might be early nuclear use. But Washington and Seoul will worry that the doctrine, with its emphasis on coercion and war termination, is designed to help Pyongyang win conflicts that it starts.

READ MORE

North Korea’s Doctrinal Shifts Are More Dangerous Than Missile Launches​


Washington and Seoul need to be careful not to accidentally trigger war.
ARGUMENT | JAMES M. ACTON, ANKIT PANDA

To deter North Korea from using its tactical nuclear arsenal, Washington and Seoul will have to adapt their posture and plans. The alliance cannot trust that existing concepts or the U.S. strategic arsenal can manage the escalation risks posed by Pyongyang’s new doctrine. The most important capabilities are the conventional forces that defend South Korea from attack and the political cohesion that signals that the regime cannot divide the alliance. Although the alliance will maintain its nuclear deterrent, only its conventional forces can deny North Korea from seizing its objectives in a conflict and respond to tactical nuclear use without legitimating the regime’s attack. The more Washington and Seoul emphasize preemptive attacks or attacks on the regime’s leadership, the more pressure the regime will feel to delegate authority to use tactical nuclear weapons to field commanders, which would further raise the risk of a nuclear accident or miscalculation.

These dangerous developments should also shape how allies approach diplomacy with North Korea. Although most American proposals have started with intercontinental missiles, allies should first focus on eliminating North Korea’s tactical weapons. Tactical nuclear weapons are not essential to the regime’s survival. The new doctrine is delusional. An arms control approach that allows the regime a sense of security in exchange for its tactical nuclear weapons stands a chance of succeeding and improving the security of both allies.

Washington and Seoul cannot afford to trust that their existing posture will deter North Korea’s new nuclear doctrine. As alarming as North Korea’s ICBMs are, its tactical nuclear weapons are now tasked with not only retaliation but a variety of missions to level the balance of power on the peninsula, which has been tipping against Pyongyang for decades. For these reasons, they are the likeliest of any nuclear weapons in the world to be used in war.


Adam Mount is a senior fellow and the director of the Defense Posture Project at the Federation of American Scientists. He holds a Ph.D. in government from Georgetown University. Twitter: @ajmount
Jungsup Kim is a vice president of the Sejong Institute and former deputy minister for planning and coordination at the South Korean Ministry of National Defense.
 

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First Land-Based Tomahawk And SM-6 Launcher Delivered To Army​

The Typhon Weapon System will give the Army its first ground-based medium-range missile strike capability in decades.
BY EMMA HELFRICH | PUBLISHED DEC 6, 2022 3:29 PM

The U.S. Army’s first prototype Mid-Range Capability battery, also known as the Typhon Weapon System, has been delivered according to a Lockheed Martin announcement. The land-based Typhon, which is derived from the U.S. Navy’s Mk 41 Vertical Launch System, will be able to fire both ground-launched SM-6 (in a land-attack role, at least initially) and Tomahawk cruise missiles at a range that falls between that of the Army’s Precision Strike Missile and its Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon.

The Army Rapid Capabilities and Critical Technology Office (RCCTO), which is currently managing the Mid-Range Capability (MRC) program, accepted delivery of the first complete Typhon Weapon System (TWS), but a corresponding Army announcement did not detail when exactly this occurred. However, according to Lt. Gen. Robert Rasch, director of the Army RCCTO, the team was able to take the MRC concept from idea to delivery in just over two years so that training with the system could begin as soon as possible.

The Army’s plan with MRC and TWS is largely similar to the way the service is approaching its future Dark Eagle Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW). The first TWS unit, as recently received by the RCCTO, will serve as a testbed of sorts and is eventually expected to provide a degree of operational capability. Eventually, as Army budget documents have revealed, the service hopes to transition the program out of the RCCTO’s rapid prototyping ecosystem and make it a more traditional program of record. Five total MRC batteries will be developed and deployed throughout this process: the one now in the RCCTO’s possession and four others that will be delivered to the Army’s Program Executive Office for Missiles and Space.

The Army explained that the initial hardware delivery to the RCCTO was comprised of “a complete MRC ground equipment and reload capability,” which includes an MRC Battery Operations Center and four Mk 41-derived Vertical Launch System (VLS) launchers mounted on modified trailers, as well as M983A4 tractor trucks that are expected to be the prime movers for the overall battery. You can read in detail about what exactly a TWS battery is made up of in this past War Zone feature.
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The full Typhon briefing slide from the Rapid Capabilities and Critical Technologies Office presentation. Credit: U.S. Army
The two missiles that the Army plans to acquire for the TWS are ground-launched variants of the Navy's SM-6 and Tomahawk cruise missile types, both of which are produced by Raytheon Missiles & Defense. The Navy is the lead service for purchasing both of these weapons across the U.S. military. As such, the Army expects to acquire its missiles for the TWS through Navy contracts.

Each TWS launcher will carry four missiles and each battery will have four launchers, totaling 16 missiles per TWS battery. The compatibility with these families of missiles could mean that future options for the TWS have the potential to include a ground-attack version of the Block IB variant SM-6 that is currently in development and boasts hypersonic speeds among other improved capabilities, which you can read more about here.

Improved versions of the Tomahawk, which is primarily a land-attack missile but can perform in anti-ship roles as well, are compatible with the TWS. This level of flexible modularity is greatly supported by the MRC concept’s Mk 41 VLS heritage. While scaled to better fit the dimensions of a TWS battery, the system’s VLS cells and the canisterized missiles they can fire set the stage for the potential integration of other weapons as the needs arise.

View: https://youtu.be/MQJ-tTn6Lh4


Over the past few years, the military has been demonstrating the various scenarios in which the containerized Mk 41 launch system could be modified to perform. For instance, in 2021, the Navy conducted a live-fire test with the launcher aboard the Ranger unmanned surface vessel and then again the following year using its own ground-based system that is expected to be a component of the Army’s Typhon system. Tangentially, the Marines in 2020 expressed interest in a ground-launched Tomahawk missile, and without anything to fire it, reconfigured Mk 41 launchers could be the system the service needs to realize that goal.

View: https://twitter.com/DeptofDefense/status/1433852377870839808?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1433852377870839808%7Ctwgr%5Ea9dd816218059175a3294f2840dba0948b27a84a%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.thedrive.com%2Fthe-war-zone%2Ffirst-land-based-tomahawk-and-sm-6-launcher-delivered-to-army


The Lockheed Martin press release went on to explain that the company was able to leverage modern engineering processes and digital transformation to “scale its Aegis Command and Control functions and the Mk 41 Vertical Launching System to quickly meet Army long-range fires needs.” In The War Zone’s in-depth explainer on Lockheed Martin’s Aegis combat system, Rich Calabrese, director of surface Navy mission systems for the company, explained that the Virtualized Aegis Weapon System has been pivotal in helping to scale the technology for an array of applications. For MRC, this meant that Lockheed Martin was essentially able to pull mission control software from the Aegis Common Source Library and integrate it into the TWS Battery Operations Center independent of the sizable shipboard hardware it was initially designed to operate on.

“Our collaboration with the U.S. Army enabled us to form a deeper understanding of its most critical mission needs,” said Joe DePietro, Lockheed Martin's general manager and vice president. “That partnership enabled us to leverage technologies across our ships, launchers, and combat systems programs to design, develop, integrate and quickly deliver a solution to meet the Army’s mission requirements.”
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A graphic detailing exercise Valiant Shield 2020, during which Lockheed Martin's Virtualized Aegis Weapon system was used to connect the mission control software of disparate systems across domains. Credit: Lockheed Martin

The Army highlighted that the ground-launched TWS will provide a “fires capability that has not existed in the U.S. Army since the implementation of the Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty in 1987.” The INF Treaty required that both the United States and the Soviet Union eliminate all of their nuclear and conventional ground-launched ballistic and cruise missiles with ranges of 310 miles (500 km) to 3,417 miles (5,500 km). The Air Force briefly fielded a ground-based nuclear-armed version of Tomahawk known as the BGM-109G Gryphon that was later scrapped as part of the INF treaty coming into force.

The United States officially withdrew from this agreement in 2019, making it fair game for the Army — and all other services — to develop a land-based missile system that can reach out over these long distances.

It is important to note here that the Army has been describing MRC primarily as a "strategic" weapon system rather than a tactical one. While that wouldn't necessarily preclude MRC from being used in a tactical way, commonly describing it as strategic in nature is still a significant comment on how the Army likely envisions deploying it. In short, it would appear that the Army isn’t set to treat MRC as another piece of 'artillery' intended to be used on a more general battlefield basis. There are no known plans at this time to arm the Tomahawk or the SM-6 with a nuclear payload.
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An organization chart the Army has released showing the possible components of a future Multi-Domain Task Force, including a Strategic Fires Battalion with an MRC Battery, among other elements. Credit: U.S. Army

While much focus for this system has been on its application in Europe, it will also be a key weapon system for the United States in Asia.

With China’s ballistic missile and nuclear arsenal only growing in both volume and diversity, getting the Army a much-needed long-range precision fires capability quickly was a major driving factor in the development of the TWS. At present, the United States doesn’t really have the ground-based conventional strike capability that MRC and TWS could offer. The INF was largely responsible for this reality by limiting the United States’ ability to achieve parity with the Chinese, who were unbounded by the treaty, in terms of ground-based missiles.

On the other hand, the Army would still have to find locations to base these systems. Several questions have been raised in terms of where the Army would actually position its MRC in Asia and what limits that might put on the system’s utility, especially when compared to similar sea and air-launched strike capabilities. In 2021, a U.S. Indo-Pacific Command plan specifically included future Army and Marine Corps ground-based cruise, ballistic, and hypersonic missiles as integral parts of its overarching Pacific defense, but that doesn’t change the fact that some allies and partners in the region, such as Australia and South Korea, aren’t jumping at the opportunity to host any of these weapons.
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The missile defense assets the U.S. military currently has deployed in the Western Pacific. Credit: DOD

Regardless, the Army has said that ongoing hardware support for TWS is planned through the end of the year in preparation for training to begin after the holidays. If all goes as planned, TWS is then slated to achieve operational capability in Fiscal Year 2023 once the system has completed testing, soldiers have been trained, and the missiles have been delivered. Though, it is unclear how many missiles or which type will be available upfront. Training will be especially important in creating a doctrine for the TWS, allowing the Army to develop tactics, techniques, and procedures for employing the system going forward.

Stay tuned, because it won't be until live-fire testing begins that the Army will have the chance to demonstrate how its first long-range precision fire system since the Cold War will actually perform.
Contact the author: Emma@thewarzone.com
 

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NATO’S NORDIC ENLARGEMENT: CONTINGENCY PLANNING AND LEARNING LESSONS​

MINNA ÅLANDER AND WILLIAM ALBERQUE
DECEMBER 8, 2022
COMMENTARY

In Finland, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered memories of the Winter War, when Finnish forces fought off a similar assault in 1939-40 with the assistance of thousands of Swedish volunteers. These memories prompted a swift and decisive response, as both Nordic countries abandoned their longstanding military nonalignment and applied for NATO membership less than three months into the war.

Finland and Sweden’s NATO membership will fundamentally alter deterrence and defense in the Baltic Sea and Nordic region. However, the alliance will still have to grapple with the challenges of natural geography in the region: Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania each border Russia and the Baltic Sea, which makes them particularly difficult to defend from Russian military coercion. Sweden and Finland can alleviate this pressure, give military planners new capabilities to defeat potential aggression in the Nordic-Baltic region, and help create a unified theater of operations from the Arctic to the North Atlantic and the Nordic region, and throughout the Baltic Sea.

These changes will enable NATO to fulfill its new Forward Defense strategy in the Nordic-Baltic region and deliver on the pledges contained in the 2022 Strategic Concept to “defend every inch of Allied territory at all times,” instead of relying on tripwire forces deployed to the Baltic region. Finland and Sweden’s membership in the alliance decisively changes the correlation of forces in NATO’s favor and makes the Forward Defense strategy more credible. But more work needs to be done. Finland and Sweden now must integrate their individual and joint defense plans and command structures into NATO so they can function seamlessly under a unified NATO command. They will also now contribute to closing some longstanding NATO capability shortfalls, including in areas such as air, sea, and ground lift, and integrated air and missile defense.

When thinking of how to best integrate Finland and Sweden into the alliance and what NATO’s deterrence in the Nordic-Baltic region should look like, it is useful to examine the initial lessons from the war in Ukraine. What did a worst-case scenario look like for NATO, and how does Finland and Sweden’s membership change the regional dynamic? NATO’s Nordic enlargement comes during a time of renewed focus on Article 5 collective (territorial) defense in Europe and new thinking about how to make NATO’s conventional deterrent more credible. Deterrence by denial should be based on a worst-case scenario for NATO members in which Russia recapitalizes its military and applies the lessons learned from its disastrous invasion of Ukraine.

Finland and Sweden are both experienced in dealing with Russia as a multi-domain challenge. They bring crucial experience in Arctic warfare as well as in countering hybrid threats through a comprehensive whole-of-society approach to security. Where other Western European countries have adopted an expeditionary force model, Finland has continuously focused on territorial defense and now has a war-time troop strength of 280,000 and a total reserve of 870,000. Sweden, in turn, has an advanced and fully NATO-compatible defense industry. Now, NATO can strengthen its northern flank by building on these advantages, as well as on existing bilateral Finnish-Swedish defense cooperation and wider regional structures like the Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO).

Lessons from Russias invasion of Ukraine

After Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, the response from the West was not firm enough. Europe was slow to implement serious military measures and many countries rushed to resume business and energy dealings with Moscow. The slow transformation of NATO security in the Baltics lacked credibility. Allies agreed to a number of reinforcement measures at the 2014 Wales Summit, known as the Readiness Action Plan. NATO also agreed to geography-specific response plans for countries near Russia, known as Graduated Response Plans, which constituted the first actual defensive plans for the eastern Allies. At the 2016 Warsaw Summit, NATO agreed to establish a tripwire of forward-deployed, battalion-sized battlegroups in Poland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania called the enhanced Forward Presence. This policy was designed to ensure that multiple allies, particularly the three NATO nuclear states, would be engaged against invading Russian forces, but with no expectation that they would be able to stop a large-scale Russian invasion.

Decisions made at the 2022 Madrid Summit went some way to addressing the failings of the previous force design. Allies agreed to increase the size of the enhanced Forward Presence forces to a brigade each and to station additional battalions in Bulgaria, Slovakia, Hungary, and Romania. In addition, the alliance agreed to combine the Graduated Response Plans into a single battle plan for the entire theater.

With Finland and Sweden inside NATO, such an integrated theater defense plan becomes far more feasible. In the meantime, while Russia’s poor performance in Ukraine has caused a reassessment of the force correlation in the Nordic-Baltic region, it would be a grave error to assume that Russia would be as inept as it has been in Ukraine during a war against NATO. Therefore, NATO should build both the demonstrable will to defend its members and the capabilities to field a credible deterrence posture that leaves no room for ambiguity and misunderstanding on Russia’s part.

NATOs Old Defense Plan for the Baltics: Tripwire and Hope?


The transformation of NATO’s defense posture from a tripwire to Forward Defense became more urgent after Russia was credibly accused of war crimes in Ukraine. Given these reports, NATO should not accept even temporary occupation by Russian forces. NATO military planners, therefore, should anticipate the worst with regard to Russian intentions and capabilities and alter their defense plans accordingly. Russia’s political and military planners appear to have made a series of misguided assumptions about the Ukrainian government’s willingness and capacity to resist. This helps explain aspects of Russia’s hitherto poor performance. Western defense planners should assume that Russia will learn from this war and not make similar errors when judging the Baltic states’ and Poland’s willingness to defend themselves — and that Moscow will perform better in a future conflict. Russia is also running out of other, “softer” policy options due to increasingly adversarial relations with the West.

Russia is certain to emerge weaker from the war with Ukraine. Up until the full-scale invasion, Russia retained a formidable order of battle in the region, which is now being decimated. However, it is inevitable that Russia will re-capitalize its military, seek to apply the lessons learned from its most recent war on Ukraine, and regenerate its lost capabilities over the next 5 to 10 years, just as it did in the aftermath of its disastrous Chechen wars, the invasion of Georgia, and its 2014 war on Ukraine. Moscow’s remaining capabilities in the Baltic region include long-range, precision-strike cruise missiles and a slew of ship-launched, land-attack cruise and ballistic missiles, as well as a substantial reserve of air-to-ground ballistic and cruise missiles and attack aircraft. Moscow also has deepened its relationship with Belarus, which has a modest land and air force, as well as nuclear-capable intermediate range missiles and fighter-bombers that could be used for interdiction strikes.

A Potential Russian Playbook for a Baltic Invasion

For an assault on the Baltic nations, Russia has multiple potential options, each likely to coincide with a large exercise with Belarus, such as ZAPAD. In the worst case scenario, an invasion would be designed to seize significant territory quickly — within hours — and force NATO to either accept the fait accompli or send tens of thousands of troops to retake it.

Russia would attack along four main vectors, blockading the Baltic states from Kaliningrad and Belarus. From its mainland territory, Russian troops could push on two fronts simultaneously: in the south Baltics, from the Pskov-Ostrov into Latvia, and in the north, from Gatchina-Luga into Narva.

Continued.....
 

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Russia further could deploy airborne and amphibious units to Finland’s Åland Islands, Sweden’s Gotland, and Hiiumaa in Estonia to establish additional anti-air and anti-ship missile capabilities to defend the approaches to Klaipeda and the Gulf of Riga. NATO planners envision, based on evaluating Russian operational-strategic exercises like ZAPAD, an initial Russian missile assault designed to destroy large amounts of critical infrastructure as quickly as possible with platforms based in the Arctic, the Black Sea, and Mediterranean Sea. These would destroy key NATO command, control, and communication nodes, satellite ground stations, and critical airports and seaports — all to blind alliance members and degrade their ability to respond and reinforce rapidly.

NATO then would have to face the destruction of its forward-deployed forces and contend with a joint Russian-Belarusian blocking operation across the Suwalki Gap to prevent NATO land forces from relieving them. Russia could then declare a ceasefire to consolidate its territorial gains and dare NATO to mount an operation to dislodge them. All of these attacks would be timed to coincide with a surprise drill of Russia’s nuclear forces to ensure maximum strategic nuclear pressure on NATO’s nuclear powers.

Moving from Piecemeal Defense to an Integrated Forward Defense

With Finland and Sweden in NATO, and Denmark removing its opt-out in the European Union’s Common Security and Defense Policy, the whole strategic outlook changes for Russia. Now, previous restrictions to defense cooperation have been removed, allowing the wider Nordic-Baltic region to become a fully interconnected and coherent security space. Moreover, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has unified the Nordic and Baltic countries in their shared threat perception of Russia. The response to Russia’s actions has been to consolidate the geographic and security architecture in this now-unified region against current and future threats, while maintaining a clear and strong commitment to supporting Ukraine in its fight for survival.

If Russia had hitherto been free to intimidate and provoke the Nordic and Baltic countries from different angles, its room for maneuver will now be significantly limited. In the Arctic region, Russia no longer has two non-aligned countries between it and Norway. While Sweden and Finland had been counted on to defend their airspace, the risk of an alliance-wide response to any violation improves deterrence. Further, the sea route from the port of Saint Petersburg through the Gulf of Finland is narrow between Finnish and Estonian waters. The Swedish island of Gotland, located in the middle of the Baltic Sea, gives NATO’s Baltic defense plans strategic depth and better security of supply. Russia’s exclave Kaliningrad, only 330 kilometers from Gotland, loses its strategic potential and becomes a vulnerability instead.

Russia may also be forced to change the density of forces along its western borders. Moscow will have to monitor the 1,343 kilometers of new NATO border with Finland, which diverts attention from the Baltic states and creates a “troop sink” for Russia. At its southwestern border, Russia is facing Europe’s most combat-experienced and hostile forces in Ukraine. From a Russian perspective, the most crucial change will be that instead of focusing on potential offensive operations, military planners will have to spend more time planning defensive operations.

Saint Petersburg, less than 400 kilometers from Helsinki, is now vulnerable to NATO naval blockade. The room for maneuver in the Baltic Sea becomes significantly limited for Russia’s Baltic Fleet, with its base in Kaliningrad now subject to anti-ship missile strikes from land, sea, and air directed from 360 degrees. Furthermore, Russia’s Kola Peninsula directly borders Finland and Norway. One of Russia’s largest concentrations of nuclear assets crucial to its second-strike capability, including strategic sub-launched ballistic missiles and long-range aircraft, is located on the peninsula and is connected to the rest of Russia through only one mainland route.

This means that rather than being able to mass forces all along the borders of the Baltic states, Russia would have to divert tens of thousands of troops to defending Saint Petersburg and protecting its line of communication to the Kola Peninsula. Facing longer-range HIMARS ammunition, Russia would have to worry about artillery strikes from Finnish territory all along the Estonian border. What was a simple overmatch for Russia to attack the Baltics at Narva, Pskov, Braslaw, Grodno, Sovetsk, and the Suwalki Gap has now become an incredibly complex theater of operations where Russia may be on the defensive across several thousand kilometers of frontline against highly motivated NATO forces.

Recommendation: Invest in NATO’s New Northern Flank

With Finland and Sweden in NATO, the balance tips decisively in favor of NATO. Finland and Sweden will not only bring notable capabilities into the alliance but also their existing integrated joint defense structures. The countries already have established deep and comprehensive bilateral defense cooperation, including joint naval units such as the Swedish-Finnish Naval Task Group and Swedish-Finnish Amphibious Task Unit. There are also almost weekly trilateral joint exercises of the Finnish, Norwegian, and Swedish air forces in Lapland, with the potential to be developed into an integrated Nordic air force with approximately 200 fighter aircraft. In 2012, the Nordic countries also established the Nordic Enhanced Cooperation on Air Surveillance, which became operational in 2017. The recent exercise Vigilant Knife, arranged on short notice to test the interoperability of Swedish and Finnish land forces in northern Finland and the rapid deployment of Swedish troops to Finland, proved very successful. These existing formats can and should be utilized in NATO’s defense planning for the new northern flank. In addition, the Swedish Armed Forces are recommending the creation of a NATO Maritime Component Command in Sweden to further solidify NATO’s command of the Baltic Sea and the Gulf of Finland.

Finland and Sweden could help close several of NATO’s critical capability gaps by contributing mobile anti-aircraft systems to an integrated air and missile defense system, providing more capacity for rapid air and naval lift, deploying advanced electronic warfare capabilities, particularly anti-drone technologies, and readying more and deeper strike options such as the Precision Strike Missile. When combined with better, more permanent, integrated command structures and a fully-integrated NATO defense plan, Finland and Sweden can dramatically enhance NATO’s deterrence in the Nordic-Baltic region.

BECOME A MEMBER

Minna Ålander is a research fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. Her research focuses on Northern European security and Nordic defense cooperation, as well as Finnish and German foreign and security policies.
William Alberque is the director of the Strategy, Technology, and Arms Control Programme at the International Institute for Strategic Studies Europe in Berlin. He previously served at NATO, the U.S. Defense Department, the U.S. State Department, and the U.S. Department of Energy, working on issues such as arms control; nuclear safeguards; chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear defense; and the planning of military exercises.

Image: U.S. Army photo by Spc. Charles Leitne
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US call for halting kinetic anti-satellite tests gets boost from UN vote

France just last week became the ninth nation to publicly join the moratorium — following Canada, New Zealand, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, South Korea, Switzerland, and Australia.​

By THERESA HITCHENS
on December 09, 2022 at 2:02 PM

WASHINGTON — The UN General Assembly has overwhelmingly approved the US-proposed resolution calling on states to commit to a moratorium on testing of destructive anti-satellite missiles, with 155 countries voting yes, nine voting no, and nine nations abstaining.

Unsurprisingly, Russia, China, and Iran were among the naysayers. India, another major space player, abstained. Interestingly, North Korea did not register a vote during the Dec. 7 meeting in New York — which one US diplomat said was unusual as Pyongyang normally goes out of its way to vote “no” on all US-sponsored resolutions.

The State Department put the resolution on the table at the United Nations in September, as first reported by Breaking Defense. The move followed the White House’s unilateral pledge in April to refrain from testing kinetic energy, ground-launched ASAT missiles.

The UN vote to support the resolution does not commit individual nations to the moratorium, but signals that there is widespread support for the concept. Thus, it was good news for Washington, where government officials are currently engaged in a campaign to convince other nations to formally pledge to implement the moratorium.

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Canada, New Zealand, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, South Korea, Switzerland, Australia and, France have now made such pledges.


France just last month became the ninth nation to do so, a day prior to Vice President Kamala Harris’s Nov. 30 meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron at NASA headquarters, building on a meeting from roughly a year ago where the two pledged their countries to building up space cooperation across the commercial, civil and national security realms. According to a White House readout of the Harris-Macron meeting, the two “agreed to strengthen U.S.-France space cooperation across civil, commercial, and national security sectors.”

The meeting between Harris and Macron followed the first Comprehensive Dialogue on Space, held in Paris Nov. 17, which involved US officials the National Space Council, National Security Council, the Defense Department, NASA, and the State Department among others. During that meeting, both sides vowed to work together on space-related issues from climate change to national security, including on the development of norms for on-orbit activities.


US diplomats are hopeful that the positive UN vote will spur more nations to individually sign up to the moratorium. In particular, Washington is working to convince more European countries and India to so, multiple government sources told Breaking Defense

France and Germany are Europe’s two biggest European space players, but Italy is also a major space operator of both civil and military satellites, and so far Rome has remained uncommitted. Luxembourg also is emerging as a European space hub and has yet to sign up.



India is a key space operator in the Indo-Pacific region, and the US long has tried to cultivate New Delhi as a partner on international security space issues — especially as China continues to modernize and expand its activities in outer space across sectors.

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Meanwhile, a group of Senate and House democrats, led by Californians Sen. Diane Feinstein and Rep. Ted Lieu, have cosponsored a resolution to support the Biden administration’s ASAT test moratorium that also urges more countries to follow suit.

“The Department of Defense currently tracks more than 47,000 objects in space larger than 10 cm, including debris from anti-satellite missile tests, which can harm vital assets in orbit. The amount of debris has increased by nearly 50 percent since January 2021 and is expected to continue rising as governments launch more satellites and conduct harmful anti-satellite missile tests,” explains the joint Feinstein-Lieu press release.

“Destructive anti-satellite missile tests create large amounts of space debris that threaten astronauts and satellites that provide vital services,” said Feinstein.

Lieu, who co-chairs the California Aerospace Caucus and whose district includes Space Systems Command, noted that as the US expands “commercial, scientific and defense efforts in space,” the government needs to “ensure we’re being responsible stewards of the ‘final frontier’.”

While Lieu was the only co-sponsor from the House, seven other Senators joint on: John Hickenlooper, D-Colo., Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., Angus King, I-Maine, Mark Kelly, D-Ariz., Alex Padilla, D-Calif., Edward J. Markey, D-Mass., and Patty Murray, D-Wash.
 

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Austin at STRATCOM: nuclear powers must avoid ‘irresponsible’ threats

During a roundtable with reporters a STRATCOM representative said recent comments by Russia's Vladimir Putin "wanted to message that he would not take first strike off the table.”​

By VALERIE INSINNA
on December 09, 2022 at 12:42 PM

OFFUTT AIR FORCE BASE, Neb. — Just hours after Russian President Vladimir Putin announced Russia could add a nuclear first strike to its military doctrine, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin emphasized that those with nuclear weapons must avoid “provocative behavior” that could destabilize the world.

“As the Kremlin continues its cruel and unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine, the whole world has seen Putin engage in deeply irresponsible nuclear saber rattling,” Austin said. “So make no mistake. Nuclear powers have a profound responsibility to avoid provocative behavior and to lower the risk of proliferation and to prevent escalation and nuclear war.”

Austin spoke at the change of command ceremony for US Strategic Command, which saw Air Force Gen. Anthony Cotton — most recently the head of Air Force Global Strike Command — take over for Adm. Charles Richard.


Cotton becomes head of STRATCOM at a critical juncture for the US nuclear enterprise, when China’s nuclear buildup — including the creation of a nuclear triad — has made it a third major nuclear power, marking a “new phase” where the US faces two strategic nuclear competitors, Austin said.

RELATED: China could obtain 1,500 nuclear warheads by 2035, Pentagon estimates


At the same time, the US military is spending billions of dollars to modernize the nuclear triad, with programs for the Columbia-class ballistic missile submarine, Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile system and the B-21 Raider bomber — which was revealed to the public last week — all in various stages of development.

During a roundtable with reporters this morning, a STRATCOM representative said the command has a “responsibility to take Putin very seriously.” Asked how the command views Putin’s recent comments, the official said: “He wanted to message that he would not take first strike off the table.”



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In his speech, Austin underscored the need for nuclear powers to reduce the risk of escalation.

“We remain committed to putting diplomacy first and to enhancing transparency and predictability, and we stand ready to pursue new arms control arrangements with willing partners operating in good faith,” he said.

Austin praised Richard for leading STRATCOM “with vigilance and resolve at a time of evolving threats, and during a global pandemic,” and noted milestones from Richard’s early career as the youngest commanding officer of a nuclear-powered submarine.

Cotton started his Air Force career as a missile officer at Minot Air Force Base. Throughout his career, he commanded missile and space wings and served as commander of Air University.

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2 minute readDecember 9, 20229:14 AM PST Last Updated 6 hours ago

Russia is expanding its nuclear arsenal, U.S. defense secretary says​

By Idrees Ali

OFFUTT AIR FORCE BASE, Neb., Dec 9 (Reuters) - Russia is expanding and modernizing its nuclear arsenal, U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said on Friday at a time when Russian President Vladimir Putin, faced with setbacks in Ukraine, has repeatedly suggested he could use nuclear weapons.

Austin's comments are in line with a recent Pentagon policy document on nuclear arms.

Russia has the largest stockpile of nuclear weapons in the world, with close to 6,000 warheads, according to experts. Together, Russia and the United States together hold around 90% of the world's nuclear warheads - enough to destroy the planet many times over.

"Russia is also modernizing and expanding its nuclear arsenal," Austin said at a ceremony for the incoming commander of U.S. Strategic Command, which oversees the United States nuclear arsenal.

"And as the Kremlin continues its cruel and unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine, the whole world has seen Putin engage in deeply irresponsible nuclear saber-rattling," Austin said.

Russia has said that it will pay special attention to building infrastructure for its nuclear forces in 2023.

Latest Updates​

Earlier on Friday, Putin vowed at a news conference that any country that dared attack Russia with nuclear weapons would be wiped from the face of the earth.

Putin said Russia had no mandate to launch a preventative first nuclear strike but that Russia's advanced hypersonic weapons would ensure Russia could respond forcefully if it ever came under attack.

Putin on Sept. 21 warned the West he was not bluffing when he said he would be ready to use nuclear weapons to defend Russia. On Sept. 30, he said the United States had created a precedent by dropping two atomic bombs on Japan in 1945.

Russian officials say the West has repeatedly misinterpreted Kremlin statements.

The United States has warned Russia over the consequences of any use of nuclear weapons.

Russia and United States had been due to hold talks in recent weeks on their existing NEW START treaty, which limits the number of warheads each can deploy.

But Moscow pulled out on the eve of the meeting, accusing the United States of toxic anti-Russian behavior and trying to manipulate the treaty to its advantage.

Reporting by Idrees Ali; additional reporting by Phil Stewart; Editing by Howard Goller
 

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Putin says Russia could adopt US preemptive strike concept​

By Associated Press
December 9, 2022 at 3:23 p.m. EST

MOSCOW — Russian President Vladimir Putin said Friday that Moscow could adopt what he described as a U.S. concept of using preemptive military strikes, noting it has the weapons to do the job, in a blunt statement amid rising Russia-NATO tensions over Ukraine.

“We are just thinking about it. They weren’t shy to openly talk about it during the past years,” Putin said, referring to the U.S. policy, as he attended a summit in Kyrgyzstan of a Moscow-dominated economic alliance of ex-Soviet nations.

For years, the Kremlin has expressed concern about U.S. efforts to develop the so-called Conventional Prompt Global Strike capability that envisions hitting an adversary’s strategic targets with precision-guided conventional weapons anywhere in the world within one hour.

“Speaking about a disarming strike, maybe it’s worth thinking about adopting the ideas developed by our U.S. counterparts, their ideas of ensuring their security,” Putin said with a thin smile, noting that such a preemptive strike was intended to knock out command facilities.

He claimed that Russia already has commissioned hypersonic weapons capable of carrying out such a strike, while the U.S. hasn’t yet deployed them. He also claimed that Russia now has cruise missiles that surpass their U.S. equivalents.

While Putin appeared to refer to conventional precision-guided weapons when he talked about possibly mimicking the U.S. strategy, he specifically noted that the U.S. hasn’t ruled out the first use of nuclear weapons.

“If the potential adversary believes that it can use the theory of a preemptive strike and we don’t, it makes us think about the threats posed by such ideas in other countries’ defensive posture,” he said.

In Washington, advisers to President Joe Biden viewed Putin’s comments as “saber-rattling” and another veiled warning that he could deploy a tactical nuclear weapon, according to a U.S. official who was not authorized to comment and spoke on the condition of the anonymity.

The official noted that Russian military doctrine has long stated that Moscow reserves the right to first use of a nuclear weapon in response to large scale military aggression.

John Erath, senior policy director for the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, also viewed Putin’s statement as yet another attempt to raise the nuclear threat.

“He doesn’t quite say we’re going to launch nuclear weapons, but he wants the dialogue in the U.S. and Europe to be, ’The longer this war goes on, the greater the threat of nuclear weapons might be used,’” Erath said.

Putin was asked Wednesday at a Kremlin conference whether Russia could commit to forswearing a first strike and responded that such an obligation might prevent Russia from tapping its nuclear arsenal even if it came under a nuclear attack.

“If it doesn’t use it first under any circumstances, it means that it won’t be the second to use it either, because the possibility of using it in case of a nuclear strike on our territory will be sharply limited,” he responded.

He elaborated on that answer Friday, saying Russia’s nuclear doctrine is based on the “launch on warning” concept, which envisions nuclear weapons’ use in the face of an imminent nuclear attack spotted by its early warning systems.

“When the early warning system receives a signal about a missile attack, we launch hundreds of missiles that are impossible to stop,” he said, smiling. “Enemy missile warheads would inevitably reach the territory of the Russian Federation. But nothing would be left of the enemy too, because it’s impossible to intercept hundreds of missiles. And this, of course, is a factor of deterrence.”

Russia’s nuclear doctrine states the country can use nuclear weapons if it comes under a nuclear strike or if it faces an attack with conventional weapons that threatens “the very existence” of the Russian state.

Since sending Russian troops into Ukraine in February, Putin has repeatedly said that Moscow was ready to use “all available means” to protect its territory and has rejected Western criticism of nuclear saber-rattling.

“I understand that ever since nuclear weapons, the weapons of mass destruction have appeared, all people — the entirety of humankind — have been worried what will happen to the planet and all of us,” he said.

Speaking Friday at U.S. Strategic Command, which has responsibility for the nation’s nuclear weapons, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said Putin’s repeated threats were irresponsible.

“As the Kremlin continues its cruel and unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine, the whole world has seen Putin engage in deeply irresponsible nuclear saber-rattling,” he said in a reference to Putin’s earlier nuclear threats without addressing his latest remarks. “So make no mistake, nuclear powers have a profound responsibility to avoid provocative behavior and to lower the risk of proliferation and to prevent escalation and nuclear war.”
—-
Aamer Madhani and Tara Copp in Washington contributed.
—-
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