Nathan Smith, who styles himself the “foreign minister” for the Texas
Nationalist Movement, appeared last Spring at a
far-right confab in
St. Petersburg, Russia. Despite roaming around in his cowboy hat,
Smith managed to keep a low-key presence at the conference, which was
dominated by fascists and neo-Nazis railing against Western decadence.
But at least one Russian newspaper,
Vzglyad,
caught up with the American,
noted that TNM is “hardly a marginal group,”and quoted Smith liberally
on the excellent prospects for a partial breakup of the United States.
Smith declared that the Texas National Movement has 250,000 supporters
—including all the Texans currently serving in the U.S. Army—and they all
“identify themselves first and foremost as Texans” but are being forced to
remain Americans. The United States, he added, “is not a democracy,
but a dictatorship.” The Kremlin’s famed
troll farms took the interview
and ran with it, with dozens of bots instantly
tweeting about a “Free Texas.”
For Russians, this was delicious payback. Since the breakup of the Soviet
Union two decades ago, many Russians have come to blame the United
States for their plight; a seething resentment over U.S. culpability in the
loss of Russian national power is one of the reasons Vladimir Putin is so
popular. It has only worsened since the United States has led an
international effort to isolate and sanction Moscow over its annexation of
Crimea and incursions into eastern Ukraine.
Thus, over the past 15 months there has been a sudden, bizarro uptick
of Russian interest in and around the American Southwest, most notably
Texas, where secessionist sentiment never seems to entirely die out
(TNM’s predecessor group, the “Republic of Texas,” disbanded after
secessionist militants
took hostages in 1997). In a rehash of the Soviet
Union’s fate, numerous Russian voices have taken to envisioning an
American break-up,
E Pluribus Unum in inverse—out of one, many.
Nor is Texas the lone region for which Russia has cast secessionist support
since the Crimean seizure. Venice, Scotland, Catalonia—the Russian media
have voiced fervent support for secession in all these Western allies
.
(Of course, Moscow’s mantra—secession for thee, but not for me
—means you’d be hard-pressed to find any Russian official offering support
for Siberian, Tatar, or Chechen independence.)
“Since the destabilization of the West is on Russia’s agenda, they may try
to reach out to the U.S. separatists,” Anton Shekhovtsov, a researcher on
Moscow’s links to far-right movements in Europe, told me. Russia wants
a “deepening of social divisions in the American society, destabilizing
the internal political life.” And certain Texans, rather than running from
the taint of an authoritarian backing, have reciprocated.
As a political tack, none of this is completely new. Nearly a century ago,
British codebreakers presented the American ambassador with a decrypted
cable that came to be known as the Zimmermann Telegram, helping to
cajole a recalcitrant United States into the Great War. And understandably
so: In the deciphered text, German Foreign Minister Arthur Zimmermann
alerted the Mexican government that, should the U.S. enter the war,
“we shall give general financial support, and it is understood that Mexico
is to reconquer her lost territory of New Mexico, Texas and Arizona.”
President Woodrow Wilson’s pledge to forgo war evaporated overnight.
Just a few months ago, a cousin of the Zimmermann Telegram was
delivered by a Russian government official, directed squarely at an
American government once more waffling about military intervention
the European theater. The speaker of Chechnya’s parliament,
Dukuvakha
Abdurakhmanov, warned that should the U.S. increase its supply of arms
to Kyiv, “we will begin delivery of new weapons to Mexico” and “resume
debate on the legal status of the territories annexed by the United States,
which are now the U.S. states of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada,
Utah, Colorado and Wyoming.” As to the putative destination for the
weapons, Abdurakhmanov cited unspecified “guerrillas.”
Sealing his screed, Abdurakhmanov inexplicably cited Joe Biden as the
creator of the current Ukrainian government.)
If his comment existed in a vacuum, Abdurakhmanov’s histrionics could be
laughed off, another sign of Moscow’s ferment sapping logical discourse.
Unfortunately, it doesn’t.
***
It’s unclear just how high up these propaganda efforts go in the
Kremlin. But it can hardly be an accident that last December, in the midst
of the ruble’s parlous plummet, Russian President Vladimir Putin
lashed out
at putative Western hypocrisy. “As soon as they succeed in putting [our
bear] on a chain, they will rip out his teeth and his claws,” the president growled.
“We have heard many times from officials that it’s unfair that Siberia,
with its immeasurable wealth, belongs entirely to Russia. Unfair,
how do you like that? And grabbing Texas from Mexico was fair!” No matter
that the U.S. never wrested Texas from Mexico. No matter that such
annexation took place under the 19th-century aegis of expansion and
empire. The parallels, to Putin, are too good to pass up.
Russian state media, of course, took the Crimea-as-Texas analogy
and sprinted off with it.
According to Sputnik, the ballot-by-bayonet
“referendum” in Crimea saw its historical precedent in Texas.
“If one accepts the current status of Texas despite its controversial origin
story, then they are more than obliged to recognize the future status of
Crimea,” the outlet wrote. Again, if you overlook the reality that land grabs
and forced annexations exist in a Victorian firmament, rather than a
post-modern international order, then, sure, a faded parallel can emerge,
but only if you squint past the prior 170 years of statecraft.