POL Iceland about to have the Pirate Party take over (not a joke)

MinnesotaSmith

Membership Revoked
https://www.washingtonpost.com/worl...bfe992-9540-11e6-9cae-2a3574e296a6_story.html

By Griff Witte October 23 [2016]

REYKJAVIK, ICELAND — "The party that could be on the cusp of winning Iceland’s national elections on Saturday didn’t exist four years ago.

Its members are a collection of anarchists, hackers, libertarians and Web geeks. It sets policy through online polls — and thinks the government should do the same. It wants to make Iceland “a Switzerland of bits,” free of digital snooping. It has offered Edward Snowden a new place to call home.

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And then there’s the name: In this land of Vikings, the Pirate Party may soon be king.

The rise of the Pirates — from radical fringe to focal point of Icelandic politics — has astonished even the party’s founder, a poet, Web programmer and former WikiLeaks activist.

“No way,” said 49-year-old Birgitta Jónsdóttir when asked whether she could have envisioned her party governing the country so soon after its launch.

Iceland's Pirate Party sails from radical fringe to political contender Play Video2:20
In the latest addition to a string of electoral impossibilities that suddenly became reality – including Britain voting for Brexit and Donald Trump winning the Republican nomination – the world may soon add a Pirate Party-led government in Europe. Editor’s note: A previous version of this video misspelled the name of Birgitta Jónsdóttir, the leader of the Pirate Party. (Griff Witte, Jason Aldag/The Washington Post)
But this, after all, is 2016. And to a string of electoral impossibilities that suddenly became reality — including Britain voting for Brexit and Donald Trump winning the Republican nomination — the world may soon add a Pirate Party-led government in Europe.

Victory for the Pirates may not mean much in isolation. This exceptionally scenic, lava-strewn rock just beyond the Arctic Circle has a population less than half that of Washington, D.C., with no army and an economy rooted in tourism and fishing.

But a Pirate Party win would offer a vivid illustration of how far Europeans are willing to go in their rejection of the political mainstream, adding to a string of insurgent triumphs emanating from both the far left and far right.

To Jónsdóttir and other Pirate true believers — who define their party as neither left nor right, but a radical movement that combines the best of both — the election here could also be the start of the reboot that Western democracy so desperately needs.

“People want real changes and they understand that we have to change the systems, we have to modernize how we make laws,” said Jónsdóttir, whose jet-black hair and matching nail polish cut a distinctive profile in a country where politics has long been dominated by paunchy blond men.

[The Bernie Sanders of Iceland is a Pirate, a poet and possibly the country’s next leader]

The sticker affixed to the back of her chrome-finish laptop stands out, too: an imitation seal of the U.S. government, the familiar arrow-bearing eagle encircled by the words “National Security Agency Monitored Device.” At the Pirates’ tech-start-up-esque office in an industrial area of Reykjavik’s seafront, a Guy Fawkes mask hangs from the wall and a skull-and-crossbones flag peeks out from a ceramic vase.

“People want real changes and they understand that we have to change the systems, we have to modernize how we make laws,” party founder Birgitta Jónsdóttir said. (Giles Clarke/Getty Images)
Iceland is, in some ways, a strange place for such a rogue movement to flourish. The country is one of Earth’s most equitable, most peaceful and most prosperous. Home to the world’s oldest parliament — it traces its origins back to a gathering of Norse settlers in A.D. 930 — this remote island nation that can feel more like a small, genteel town is not known for political turbulence.

But Iceland has been afflicted by the same anti-establishment fervor that has swept the rest of the Western world in recent years.

[European voters rebuke right-wing populism]

In many ways, the alienation from politics has been even more acute here. The 2008 global financial crisis brought the once highflying economy to ruin, saved only by a $4.6 billion international bailout. Bankers went to jail, and a street protest movement was born.

The populist spirit was revved up once again this past spring when the leak of the Panama Papers revealed an offshore company owned by the prime minister’s wife that staked a claim to Iceland’s collapsed banks. The perceived conflict of interest brought thousands of protesters to the streets, a crowd that, as a share of the overall population, was equal to as many as 21 million people in the United States.

With protests building, the prime minister quit and new elections were called. But the public’s cynicism about a political system long steered by an insider clique only deepened.

“The distrust that had long been germinating has now exploded. The Pirates are riding on that wave,” said Ragnheithur Kristjánsdóttir, a political history professor at the University of Iceland. “We’ve had new parties before, and then they’ve faded. What’s surprising is that they’re maintaining their momentum.”

The Pirates, part of an international movement of the same name, are not the only ones seizing on the country’s discontented political spirit. Several new parties have surged and could well set Iceland’s direction for the next four years. Meanwhile, parties that have traded power in Iceland for decades are bumping along in polls at historic lows.

Outsiders may regard the idea of a government run by Pirates as a joke. But “the voters think a joke is better than what we have now,” said Benedikt Jóhannesson, leader of another insurgent party that is even younger than the Pirates and has also earned substantial support.

Jóhannesson hastens to add that he doesn’t see the Pirates as a joke. His buttoned-down party is made up of technocrats, academics and business executives, a far cry from the punk-rock, hacker spirit of the Pirates.

But the two may be in coalition talks after the election if, as expected, no party comes anywhere near the majority needed to govern. He may not agree with the Pirates on many issues, he said, but at least they share a belief in the need for fundamental change.

“Some of our parties have been around for 100 years,” said Jóhannesson, fresh off a 10-hour drive back from a campaign swing through the remote Icelandic countryside. “But the systems that worked in, say, the 1960s don’t necessarily work for the 2010s.”

Not everyone is so gung-ho about calls for radical change.

The latest opinion polls show the Pirates jostling for first place with the Independence Party. The center-right party is synonymous with Iceland’s political establishment, having governed the country for much of its modern history. But it was badly tarnished by its stewardship of the bubble economy in the lead-up to the 2008 crash."
 

marsh

On TB every waking moment
I lived in Iceland for a couple of years back in the 1970s when I was a Navy wife. At the time, they were a socialist country. They also attribute themselves as having the West's first democracy. In the Viking era, everyone would travel to Thingvetlir where they would select their leaders in an Assembly and hold tort courts on complaints/crimes.
 

Dozdoats

On TB every waking moment
http://mentalfloss.com/article/23673/democracy-high-seas-how-pirates-rocked-vote

Democracy on the High Seas: How Pirates Rocked the Vote
by Alisson Clark

Sure, they did their fair share of burning and looting. But who knew pirates were ahead of our Founding Fathers when it came to good governance?

Everyone knows that swashbuckling types aren't exactly known for obeying the rules. But years before the United States gained its independence, democracy was actually thriving aboard pirate ships. Perhaps that's because they reasoned that a little law and order was better than the alternative. Crammed aboard a ship with 300 unruly sailors, pirates were quick to adopt a government rather than let anarchy ensue.

Democracy Now
Of course, why they chose democracy as their form of government is another matter. As it turns out, buccaneers were leery of absolute authority. Many were escaped slaves or indentured servants who'd suffered under the tyranny of plantation owners in the Caribbean. Others had served under iron-fisted ship captains, who were rarely held accountable for their abuses of power. So, pirates settled on a form of government that recognized the individual without putting too much control in any one person's hands—democracy.

For a mob of mostly illiterate seadogs, their concepts of governing were pretty evolved. Typically, they divided authority into three branches, complete with checks and balances. The captain, who only ruled absolutely in times of battle, was the executive branch; the quartermaster, who arbitrated disagreements and doled out punishments, was the judiciary; and the entire crew served as the legislature, voting on matters of importance, such as when to attack other vessels and when to elect a new captain.

Another surprise? The crew could be more merciful than you'd expect. Once captains were voted out of office, they could be left at port or deposited on a deserted island. But they could also be reintegrated into the crew. One deposed captain, Howell Davis of the Buck, was downright poetic about being ousted: "I find by strengthening you, I have put a rod into your hands to whip my self,"� he told the new captain, "but since we met in Love, let us part in Love."�

The Benefits Package
Government wasn't the only area in which pirates were ahead of the curve. They also had worker's compensation plans. Many ships' charters gave pirates enough gold to last a lifetime if they sustained a career-ending injury. In his 1678 memoir, buccaneer Alexander Exquemelin, who sailed with the real Captain Morgan, detailed the sums guaranteed to swashbucklers who lost eyes, fingers, or limbs in battle. A lost right arm was worth the most—600 pieces of eight—which is equivalent to more than $100,000 today.

Although pirates governed themselves with an egalitarian spirit, it may be a while before we see a parade or White House ceremony in their honor. There's no evidence that the Founding Fathers looked to pirates as inspiration for their democratic ideas. That said, pirates did nurture American democracy. They sold food and supplies to the colonies when European powers couldn't (or wouldn't). And they often pumped their profits right back into the local economy, spending it on booze, gambling, and "entertainment."� According to some sources, if it weren't for these rowdy ruffians, some colonies might not have survived to become cradles of democracy.
 

Sacajawea

Has No Life - Lives on TB
Well, whaddya know? Vikings & Pirates rise again. Why not?

I have to say, that I agree that a joke is better than what we have now. But there are some things I'm not so amenable with, peeking through these "weird news" stories. Something to keep an eye on, for sure.
 

Plain Jane

Just Plain Jane
The first that I heard of this party was with the Berlin Regional election this year. Let's hope that the crew in Iceland learned some lessons from them. They lost big time, and deserved to.

https://newrepublic.com/article/137305/rise-fall-pirate-party

The Rise and Fall of the Pirate Party
The story of Germany’s most eclectic political movement is one of digital liberation, nude protests, radical transparency, and murder.
BY JOSEPHINE HUETLIN
September 29, 2016
The elections held last week in Berlin were a grim milestone in Europe’s steady rightward march of recent years. The Alternative for Deutschland party (AfD)—which has beendescribed as Germany’s “most successful nationalist phenomenon since the Second World War”—made its debut in the Berlin state parliament with a jarring 14 percent of the vote. It was the latest evidence that ethno-nationalist forces are upending politics both in Europe and America, amidst a general disillusionment with governing institutions and traditional political parties that has pushed voters to outlets previously beyond the pale to voice their frustration.

But the elections were also a reminder of a time, just a few years ago, when the far right was not so frighteningly ascendant, and an inchoate dissatisfaction with the status quo in Berlin resulted in surprisingly strong results for a different band of outsiders: the Pirate Party, which suffered a collapse last week that was macabre and bizarre in equal parts. As the party lost all 15 of its seats in the state parliament, Gerwald Claus-Brunner, one of the Pirate Party’s most prominent members, killed a younger male colleague and wheeled the 29-year-old’s body through the streets, beforetaking his own life. Police who discovered both bodies on Monday in Claus-Brunner’s apartment described the sight as “savage.”

It was also foreshadowed: “You will have a minute of silence for me at the next plenary meeting,” Claus-Brunner had warned fellow MPs back in June. It was an ominous turn of events for a party that shot to prominence in the early 2010s by calling for a digital revolution (specifically, it was founded as part of an international anti-copyright movement). But since winning nearly 9 percent of the vote in Berlin’s elections in 2011, the party has seen a steady downhill trajectory. “Honestly the Pirate Party is dead by now. They should close down,“ Wolfgang Gründinger, a sociologist, told me.

Its original leaders agree. Martin Delius, who used to lead the Pirate Party in parliament, announced his resignation in December by posting a picture of his cut-up membership card. “I don’t feel like justifying the behaviour of the Pirate Party anymore,” he wrote. “It’s no longer bearable.” Several MPs in Berlin had already jumped ship before that. Speaking in an interview in July of 2015, Christopher Lauer, who left his job as chairman of the Berlin Pirate Party in 2014, said, “I would prefer if the Pirates do not make it back into the House of Representatives.”

The remaining pirates seemed to have all but given up as well. In the run-up to the most recent elections, one of the party’s stunts was to hold a vigil for an injured fox that had been shot in the Prinzenbad, a public swimming pool in Berlin’s Kreuzberg area. They tweeted, “Animal protection not execution #pirates.” Only eight people showed up.

But the Pirate Party wasn’t always a joke. Following its strong showing in the 2011 state elections, in which it ran on a platform of greater government transparency and internet privacy, its members marched into the House of Representatives clad in hoodies, shorts, and overalls, establishing the party’s reputation as the most intriguing renegade political force making inroads into the German mainstream. The Pirate Party then proceeded to establish significant parliamentary footholds in three other German states. It was the “Rise of the Nerds,” as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung predicted in 2009. While data-protection snafus and stuffy election campaigns made Germany’s established politicians look old, the pirates uploaded virtual graffiti onto Counterstrike to petition against a proposed ban on so-called killer video games.

Not everyone was impressed with the Pirates, though. When Lauer tried to sell the benefits of online file-sharing to German hip-hop artist Jan Delay, the latter responded skeptically, “The entire Pirate Party thing seems to me like someone just walking up and saying, ‘Yo, we’re a party and there’s going to be free chocolate for everyone.’ And then a couple of non-voters say, ‘Awesome, free chocolate, now that’s politics.’ But guys, do you have any solutions? Do you even know what you’re talking about?”
The Pirate Party’s inability to get its act together was inseparable from its creative brilliance.

Lauer used to take pride in the party’s lack of expertise, joking to fellow deputies in 2011, “We cause offense with the gaps in our education.” Party leader Andreas Baum couldn’t rememberBerlin’s debt total in an appearance on public television—he thought it was “many millions,” when the answer was 63 billion euros. Sometimes they were on the wrong side of the law. One of the party’s first members, Jörg Tass, was jailed in 2010 for his casual research into the online child pornography scene.

But generous commentators remarked that ignorance, amateurism, and a refusal to conform were the party’s main virtues. “One sees their gaps and mistakes, and therefore everything that is better about the other parties is taken for granted or even scorned by voters,“ one journalist wrote as recently as 2014. In a year full of iconoclastic politicians known for holding their slicker counterparts in contempt, and in an electoral atmosphere in which a rough authenticity is prized, it is not hard to see the precedent that the Pirate Party helped set.
________________________________________
Where did it all go wrong? One of the hallmarks of the Pirate Party was its dismissal of the whole concept of political orientation as “power playing.” This was, according to the activist Stephan Urbach, a fatal mistake. “Our biggest problem was that we let everyone in who wanted to join,” he told me. “And most of them were apolitical. They weren’t interested in politics.” Urbach quit the party in 2013. “I couldn’t take it anymore. Every political opinion was tolerated. I’d go to a Party convention and there would be, like, Holocaust deniers there.”

The wide range of political views and the lack of a strong hierarchical structure meant that the party did not have a distinct identity. This triggered incidents like Bomber-gate, in which party members stopped speaking to each other because one female deputy had taken part in a far-left protest that involved standing topless in front of the opera house in Dresden with the words “Thanks Bomber Harris“ painted across her chest. (Sir Arthur Travers “Bomber” Harris was a member of the Royal Air Force who led the British bombing campaigns against German cities in World War II.)

“They were obsessed with themselves, and didn’t realize how they came across to the outside world,“ Stephan Klecha, a sociologist, recalled. The general sense of anarchy was exacerbated by the fact that, in the name of promoting transparency, party members filmed and posted every bickering or navel-gazing discourse. “Nobody watched those clips apart from a handful of journalists who though it was hilarious and wrote it up,” Klecha told me.

The Pirates wanted to be radically different from other parties. They had scores of ideas, most of which never really got off the ground. One of these projects was LiquidFeedback, a software package intended to give supporters an equal say in all party decisions. Back in 2011, an op-ed in The New York Timesreferred to it as an initiative that could “completely upend German politics,” and suggested that a similar program could be used to engage disaffected voters in the U.S. This, of course, is not quite how things turned out.

Still, the Pirate Party’s inability to get its act together was inseparable from its creative brilliance. There was a reason voters in Berlin were willing to give a chance to a party made up of criminals and university students halfway through their degrees. And if the German iteration of the Pirate Party is all but finished, its legacy can be felt elsewhere. Iceland’s Pirate Partylooks set to form the country’s next government, following the release of the Panama Papers earlier this year, which revealed that then-Prime Minister Sigmundur David Gunnlaugsson had invested millions of dollars in offshore accounts.

The Pirate Party’s popularity lies in more than the tantalizing promise of free downloads (and drugs). In a digitalized liberal society, there is a demand for politicians who understand how state intervention in the internet has impinged on civil liberties. “Those who know the system must translate to political language what is technologically possible, how it impacts us, and how we can resist it,” Frank Schirrmacher wrote in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung in 2009.

Meanwhile, referring to the growing popularity of the far-right AfD, Berlin’s Mayor Michael Müller commented, “I’d prefer a handful of pirates in the House of Representatives to a party of right-wing populists, whose policy is to play people off against each other.” This is an echo of what the very disturbed Claus-Brunner said when he was asked to explain his “moment of silence” comment in June: “When you have to deal with the AfD for the first time, you will light a candle for me.”

Despite performing well at the polls in its heyday, the Pirate Party was never a party in the strictest sense. It was part performance art, part cult, part prank. The AfD, on the other hand, is very much a party, with ideological convictions and a thirst for power. If the AfD is a reminder of what mass movements can become when democracy is deemed corrupt and ineffective, then the Pirate Party was a wild, rolling experiment based on the premise that democracy could be something different—something better.

Josephine Huetlin is an independent jou
 

Dozdoats

On TB every waking moment
And how are the pirates who run the government of the FUSA any better for not calling themselves pirates?
 
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